Israel's Top Experts in National and Internal Security Convened at IDI Annual Conference on Security and Democracy
The Israel Democracy Institute's annual Security and Democracy Conference—taking place in the thick of Israel’s longest conflict since its War of Independence—focused on the key challenges Israel faces as a democracy contending with complex internal and external security threats.
Photos by: Oded Karni
In his opening remarks, Dr. Eran Shamir-Borer, Director of IDI’s Center for Security and Democracy set the stage with a call for accountability: "October seventh exposed in many ways, often tragically, the institutions in the State of Israel. There is value in clarifying the facts and drawing lessons as part of community healing and rehabilitation. This of course emphasizes the need for the establishment of a state commission of inquiry."
Discussing how we move forward in this war, and his concerns about the priorities of those currently managing it, Yair Lapid said: "A deal with Saudi Arabia will be a solution to all arenas - the day after in Gaza, Lebanon; confrontation with Iran. There is no discussion about it because no one is willing to say the words Palestinian Authority, because apparently if you say those two words it probably breaks up your government."
He continued: "What runs the government is the desire for nothing to come out that will displease the radical-right WhatsApp groups - the Israeli government is working with the Palestinian Authority day by day, hour by hour, even at this very moment."
MK Eisenkot addressed the challenges of planning for the "day after" the war in Gaza: "In practice, we're moving to a situation in which the IDF will distribute aid; that a military government will be established—full responsibility on the State of Israel. This is a serious flaw – a structural, strategic flaw. There is a group that is insufficiently responsible and that does not know how to make decisions. The Prime Minister is very experienced, but is surrounded by people with huge gaps in in understanding of Israel's security needs."
Looking inward, MK Eisenkot discussed the battles—physical and ethical—facing the IDF:
"The way to protect the IDF is both in a proper fighting spirit, striving for victory, and
also in a set of rules that we do not want to be like our enemies. This is part of the IDF's strength. I hope the IDF commanders are not confused by what is said in the media; by the chatter of government ministers. The problem I identify: an attempt by political elements to dictate other norms based on their worldview. I really hope that the commanders will stand firm."
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Regarding Gallant's dismissal as Defense Minister, MK Gadi Eisenkot, said: "It is possible to replace a defense minister if it is an organized and informed decision, but in the very complex reality, it looks like I said. I observed Yisrael Katz in the cabinet meetings and I always saw an independent, matter-of-fact and professional approach, and I recommend giving him more credit."
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IDI Senior Fellow Prof. Amichai Cohen held a discussion with Former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert. Olmert said: "There is universal agreement that a State Commission of Inquiry should be established…But if you ask me whether such a committee will help the State of Israel within a reasonable time frame, I don't think so. Until this Commission issues all its conclusions to the military, the Chief of Staff, the government, the Mossad and the Shin Bet and sends warning letters, it will take another five years, and in the meantime, what is happening in the State of Israel is a quest for a more normal and less partisan government."
"The State of Israel does not have a culture of debate in the bodies that run the country. There cannot be a situation with real debate in the bodies that make decisions because in the end, someone makes the decisions without any connection to other options or proposals. A reality has been created, an atmosphere in which the very possibility of having a debate is problematic, because…they know the risk that the enemies of the state and the partners of Hamas will immediately become subjects of the poison machine that will discredit and harm them. There is really no debate or willingness to encourage and desire to hear differing opinions."
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Major General (Res.) Yaakov Amidror, former National Security Advisor of Israel and Senior Fellow at the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS) referred to the challenges of making decisions about the war, arguing there's no scientific method – it all comes down to professional decisions:
"Ideally, the National Security Council (NSC) presents the general picture, informs the cabinet, presents various opinions, and offers actionable recommendations. The question is how do we do this? There is no definitive answer. How do you prioritize between the security forces’ recommendation on October 11th, when everyone supported an attack on Lebanon except for the Head of the Military Intelligence Research Division, and the Prime Minister decided against it? This isn’t mathematics and there isn’t a conclusive formula with a correct answer. [The method] relies on the experience of individuals, and the Prime Minister has the most experience.”
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Eitan Cabel, former Minister, Knesset Member and Member of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee discussed systemic roadblocks Israeli leaders face: "The Knesset of Israel has two main functions: the first is legislation, and the second is oversight. As far as oversight is concerned - and this has been a long process for years - the Knesset has absolutely no ability to oversee the work of the government, and there is a built-in problem with the military personnel who come to the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee. In the end, if there is a vote on a proposed resolution, the members of Knesset - regardless of their seniority - will fall in line with the system. The IDF knew this. Then, at the end of the day, our ability to influence is non-existent. In the end, MKs should have the ability or courage to say their things no matter what."
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We were reminded of the incredible sacrifice of reserve soldiers, who are the backbone of the combat efforts in this war. Brigadier General (Res.) Hoshea Friedman-Ben Shalom, former Chief Reserve Service Officer in the IDF said:
"The reserves are the crown jewels of what's perceived as the People's Army's, but there is terrible attrition. Children who, in spirit, have not returned home, couples who barely make ends meet. On the other hand, there is a tremendous sense of mission. This is the reality that we all have to deal with."
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We heard from those taking an active role in rebuilding the communities directly impact by the war. IDI Director of Marketing and Media Noa Barak-Weschler held a conversation with Tal Shaul, former Head of the VIP Protection Division of the Shin Bet, resident of Kibbutz Kisufim and a leader of the rehabilitation of the kibbutz. Asked about what the future holds for the residents, Shaul said, "if you ask my personal opinion, most of [the Kibbutz residents] will return home—it's their home. There are three conditions for returning home: a closed military area, that it will be a true home, and the readiness of each individual. The whole strategy we've built is not to push them to the kibbutz but to attract them to the kibbutz, like a magnet. We'll renovate and clean it up, and then they'll want to return."
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In a special panel on international law entitled "From Jerusalem to the Hague," Prof. Malcolm Shaw KC, Practicing Barrister who has been representing Israel at the ICJ proceedings, discussed a variety of challenges Israel is facing internationally with IDI experts Dr. Eran Shamir Borer and Prof. Yuval Shany.
In regards to international efforts to use legal proceedings as a tool to pressure Israel, Prof Malcolm Shaw said, "For all of Israel's international achievements, it's really a very small cog in a very large wheel, and what you call lawfare is a very convenient way of getting at Israel without having to resort to arms, but in a way which unbalances Israel, forces it to divert resources to all of this. In principle, I'm not against diverting resources to lawyers, but it is a very serious problem."
Later in the discussion Prof. Yuval Shany emphasized the gravity of international relations in the current conflict: “I’m not sure that we as a country have internalized that international law is the 8th front of the war, in many ways… It is an important front because it plays into our ability to get support and armaments, and it will also have lasting impacts in the way Israel is perceived in the world and its ability to achieve its goals in many domains. We need to take this more seriously, though I would say, Israel did at least participate in the proceedings. They didn’t ignore it, they did take action, but they should take more action.”
In a discussion about transitioning policing powers to local authorities, MK Meirav Ben-Ari (Yesh Atid) said: “When people’s sense of personal security is rock bottom, there’s a vacuum that is filled on the one hand by normative people who want to defend their homes and feel that the police are non-existent, and on the other, by armed gangs and militias. At the end of the day, the ones who pay the price are the normative citizens. It starts with the fact that they received firearms from licensing officers who are not licensing officers, thanks to Ben-Gvir. How to redress this? The police, and certainly urban police units, must be familiar with the various legitimate defense groups. Second, at a certain stage, armed citizens must be trained, and those who volunteer in local defense must be in communication with the community division of the police.”
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Deputy Commissioner (Retired) Kobi Cohen, former Judea and Samaria District Commander of the Israel Police, expressed concerns to this end: “The decision to open the floodgates on the issue of handguns was a ‘strategy of desperation’—we couldn’t keep people safe, so we gave them weapons and said, ‘Do it yourselves.’ That’s why all kinds of groups emerged, some legal and some illegal. You could go to certain neighborhoods and see armed people guarding the neighborhood. In the end, it was completely wide open. We set up a department in the police to ensure that as many people with firearms as possible would be subject to oversight, that they could be trained. We need legislation about these armed groups, so that the police can handle them.”
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Addressing the matter from a different perspective, MK Ariel Kallner (Likud) spoke later in the discussion, saying: “It’s important to differentiate between two things: when it comes to organized crime or corruption, it’s clear that the police have do address it. But there are some things, such as personal security against rioting youth, or car theft, for which local authorities can provide the best solutions. That’s why I’m a big believer in divesting powers in those areas of activity. People taking responsibility is a sign of a healthy society. That’s why I also very strongly believe in local defense units, especially in border areas. Regarding the distribution of firearms to civilians: We’ve made the criteria for firearms more lenient, but not so that unsuitable people will get weapons. My approach has always been that every citizen should be able to have a firearm, unless they are non-normative individuals, in criminal or psychiatric terms.”
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Former Police Commissioner Roni Alsheikh said: “I want to talk about appointments. The fact that the Minister is filling the ranks of deputy commissioner and above, by order, is outrageous. Former Minister Bar Lev agreed not to handle the ranks from chief superintendent to deputy commissioner and above. But what’s happening today is that everything [is being decided by the minister], even superintendents.”
“My heart goes out to the police officers,” he added. “Some of them are leaving. And anyone familiar with the statistics about the police, well, by every parameter, they are terrible.”
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In a lighter segment of the conference, Dr. Yael Litmanovitz, IDI Senior Researcher Democracy held a conversation with a police clown (yes, you read that right) who goes by “Hashoteret Az-Oolay Yhyeh Yoter Tov” (Policewoman So Maybe it Will be Better), from the group: Mishtara Yashar-El-HaLev (play on the Hebrew words Isra-el “Israel Police Straight to the Heart.” As a police clown, she attends protests and helps diffuse tensions between protesters and police officers.
Hashoteret Az-Ooly Yhyeh Yoter Tov explained: "I often get asked, are you a medical clown? And I respond, I'm a medical clown for the street – we need medical care in the street, not just in hospitals. Just like in a hospital a clown is there to reduce the fear and stress…a police clown is also in condensed and crowded places to evoke humor and create some space and a different point of view on the situation—to make people laugh and to connect…as we see in the streets more and more use of force, we activate more the force of love – that's our tool."