Center for Democratic Values and Institutions

The Center for Democratic Values and Institutions is dedicated to fortifying the democratic values and institutions of the State of Israel, based on the humanistic foundations of Judaism and the liberal foundations of Zionism. The Center seeks to strengthen the commitment of Israeli policymakers, opinion shapers and decision makers to the fundamental tenets of Israeli democracy, including freedom, equality, civil rights, separation of powers, transparency and the rule of law.

The center works to inform decision makers and the general public about the dangers of populist legislative initiatives, develop sound alternatives, shape policy on education for democracy, ensure a free and independent press, promote a more inclusive society and articulate a common vision for all Israeli citizens.

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    Adv. Anat Thon Ashkenazy

    Director

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    Adv. Anat Thon-Ashkenazy is the Director of the Center for Values and Democratic Institutions at the Israel Democracy Institute.

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    Prof. Tamar Hostovsky Brandes

    Senior Fellow

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    Prof. Mordechai Kremnitzer

    Senior Fellow, Democratic Values and Institutions Program and Public Corruption Program

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    Prof. Mordechai Kremnitzer is a Senior Fellow at IDI and he previously served as the Institute's Vice President of Research.

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    Prof. Yuval Shany

    Senior Fellow at the Democratic Values and Institutions Program

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    Among other things, he has researched questions of right to equality, security detention, interrogation techniques, on-line surveillance and content moderation, military investigations, proportionality in the application of force, jurisdiction of international criminal tribunals and counterterrorism.

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    Dr. Tehilla Shwartz Altshuler

    Head, Democracy in the Digital Age Program; Senior Fellow

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    Dr. Tehilla Shwartz Altshuler is a senior fellow at the Israel Democracy Institute and head of the institute’s Media Reform Program and Democracy in the Digital Age Program.

    She holds a doctorate in law (LLD) from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and completed her post-doctoral studies at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. 

    She is a board member of the Israel National Press Council, a board member of the Israeli Digital Rights Movement, a board member of the Center for Ethics in Jerusalem and a member of the Supreme Council of Archives of the State of Israel.

    In recent years, Dr. Shwartz Altshuler has composed the journalistic code of ethics for Israel’s public broadcasting corporation (“Kan”) and for the Globes business newspaper; drafted a bill for a new privacy law in Israel; and appeared regularly in the Israeli and international media on issues relating to media, technology, democracy, and human rights. She has also published a number of books, articles, policy studies, and expert opinions on these subjects.

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    Hassan Towafra

    Guest Senior Fellow, Arab Society in Israel Program

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    Adv. Edna Harel Fisher

    Head, Public Corruption Program

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    Edna Harel Fisher leads policy research at the institute on the topic of funding for culture, ‘Mamlachtiyut’, and freedom of speech.

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    Dr. Tammy Hoffman

    Head, Education Policy Program; Research Fellow

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    Lecturer and the Kibbutzim College of Education; Head of the Regev Education Program for Outstanding Students, and member of the steering committee of the Lautman Forum for Education Policy.

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    Dr. Guy Lurie

    Research Fellow, Democratic Values and Institutions Program

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    Dr. Guy Lurie is an attorney and holds a PhD in History from Georgetown University (2013). He a former coordinator of the Shamgar Commission for the Formulation of Rules of Ethics for Members of the Government, and served as a post-doctoral fellow on the Faculty of Law at the University of Haifa.

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    Dr. Fahima Abbas

    Senior Researcher, Arab Society in Israel Program

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    Dr. Abbas received her PhD in Geography from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in 2016. Her research focuses on the integration of the minority middle class into majority urban spaces, with an emphasis on metropolitan areas and divided cities, spatial inequality, migration, and commuting. As part of her postdoctoral research at the Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace, she examined the participation of the Jerusalem middle class in the Israeli economy. In her recent studies, Dr. Abbas explored access to housing and employment among Palestinian women in Israel, analyzing how residential space, social class, and marital status influence their opportunities for housing and employment.

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    Dr. Rachel Aridor-Hershkovitz

    Senior Researcher, Democracy in the Digital Age Program

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    Senior Researcher in the Democracy in the Digital Age program at the Center for Democratic Values and Institutions at IDI. Holds a Master’s degree in Intellectual Property and Antitrust Law from the NYU School of Law, and a PhD from the Faculty of Law at the University of Haifa. Her doctoral dissertation examined the most suitable regulatory tools for cybersecurity protection, based on a comparison of regulations in the United States and England, and an in-depth study of the need for public-private sector cooperation and how to achieve it.

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    Dr. Nadav Dagan

    Senior Researcher, Democratic Values and Institutions Program

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    Dr. Dagan Holds a PhD from Bar-Ilan University, LLM with specialism in Public Law and Human Rights Law from University College London (UCL), and LLB from the University of Haifa.

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    Dr. Amir Fuchs

    Senior Researcher, Democratic Values and Institutions Program

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    Dr. Amir Fuchs holds a doctorate from the Faculty of Law at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and is a lecturer in the Politics and Communication Department at the School of Government and Social Sciences at Hadassah Academic College.

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    Adv. Daphne Benvenisty

    Researcher, Democratic Values and Institutions Program

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    Daphne is a researcher at the Center for Democratic Values and Institutions. She holds an LL.B and an LL.M, both from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. She has clerked at the Supreme Court in the chambers of Justice Neal Hendel.

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    Dr. Moran Kandelshtein-Haina

    Researcher, Democratic Values and Institutions Program

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    Researcher and lecturer in the fields of public law. Dr. Kandelshtein-Haina holds a doctorate from the Faculty of Law at the Bar-Ilan University and is a lecturer in the school of Law at the Netanya Academic College. The doctoral thesis she wrote dealt with the constitutional status of the prime minister in parliamentary systems. Areas of expertise: institutional constitutional law, administrative law, the Executive.

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    Dr. Muhammed Khalaily

    Researcher, Arab Society in Israel Program

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    Holds a PhD from the School of Political Science at the University of Haifa on the subject: "The role and survival of primordial structures in modern politics: A Neo-Institutional Analysis of Clan Continuity in Arab Politics in Israel".

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    Dr. Arik Rudnitzky

    Researcher, Arab Society in Israel Program

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    Dr. Rudnitzky has been researching Arab Israeli issues for almost two decades. His fields of expertise cover political, national and social developments in Israel's Arab society; Jewish-Arab relations; and government policies on Arabs in Israel.

    Rudnitzky holds PhD degree from the Department of Middle Eastern Studies at Bar-Ilan University, as well as MA (magna cum laude) and BA degrees in Middle Eastern History from the Faculty of Humanities and an MBA degree from the Faculty of Management, Tel Aviv University.

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    Adv. Nisreen Abo Asalh

    Research Assistant, Democratic Values and Institutions Program

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    Adv. Abo Asalh completed her Bachelor of Law studies at the University of Haifa in 2020, specialized in the consulting and legislation department (constitutional law) and qualified in 2021 as an attorney. Prior to joining the IDI, Adv. Abo Asalh worked for about two years at the firm of Firon & Co. in the planning and construction department. Today, concurrently with her work at the IDI, Abo Asalh works as an attorney at the office of Yosef Yeshurun & Co.

    In the past, Adv. Abo Asalh established a number of social projects.

    Nisreen Abo Asalh is a master's student in public law at the Tel Aviv - Northwestern program.

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    Meital Baron

    Research Assistant, Education Policy Program

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    Miriam Awad Morad

    Researcher, Education Policy Program

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    Daphna Cahana-Dolev

    Project Manager, Education Policy Program

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    Dr. Ofir Hadad

    Researcher, Arab Society in Israel Program

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    Dr. Ofir Hadad is a postdoctoral fellow at the Harry S. Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace, where he also coordinates programs for research students from diverse populations, and he teaches in the Department of Political Science and in the Conflict Research, Management and Resolution program at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

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    Adv. Zohar Gofen

    Research Assistant, Democracy in the Digital Age Program

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    Duna Ghanayem

    Research Assistant, Arab Society in Israel Program

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    Mirvat Abu Hadoba-Frieh

    Researcher, Project of Community Safety in the City of Rahat, Arab Society in Israel Program

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    Mirvat Abu Hadoba-Frieh is a researcher and Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Politics and Government at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. Her research focuses on political awareness among national minorities, with particular emphasis on Arab society in Israel and the Kurdish minority in Turkey.

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    Roni Bivas

    Research Assistant, Democratic Values and Institutions Program

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An analysis of legislation and initiatives that undermine democratic principles and institutions during the full 25th Knesset term, from November 2022 through July 2026.

Dr. Amir Fuchs, Senior Researcher at IDI’s Center for Democratic Values and Institutions, speaks to Kan English Radio about the government’s newly passed law weakening the role of the Attorney General, approved just before the Knesset entered its election recess, and its legal implications. The law undermines the binding force of the Attorney General’s legal opinions and abolishes the AG’s exclusive authority to determine whether the government may obtain separate legal representation—removing two of the institution’s primary tools for safeguarding the rule of law.

The legislation expands the possibility of gender-separated studies in higher education, fundamentally altering the balance between the desire to make higher education accessible to the Haredi population and the principle of equality.

The first of four chapters in the 2024 Arab Society Statistical Report. 

The second chapter of four from the Arab society 2023 statistical report. 

Chapter 3 of 4 of the 2024 Arab Society Statistical Report.

Chapter 4 of the 2024 Arab Society Statistical Report.

The latest proposal would undermine the binding force of the Attorney General’s legal opinions and abolish the AG's exclusive authority to decide whether to permit the government separate legal representation, removing two of the main tools that enable the institution to safeguard the rule of law.

The Supreme Court belatedly finds refusal to allow ICRC visits to Palestinian prisoners a blatant violation of Israeli and international law.

In light of the government's announcement that an interim order issued by the Supreme Court does not have binding force, the question arising in this case goes beyond the matter of the Second Authority and touches on the foundations of Israel’s democratic system of government.

Dr. Tammy Hoffman, Head of IDI's Education Policy Program, spoke with Kan Radio about a new survey exploring the attitudes, perceptions, and political engagement of young adults who will be eligible to vote for the first time in the upcoming elections. She shared key findings on their intention and motivation to vote, whether they believe their vote can make a difference, and which issues they think the government should prioritize.

This survey is part of a broader study. Research team: Dr. Tammy Hoffman, Daphna Cahana-Dolev, Meital Baron, and Dani Gigi.

Dr. Tehilla Shwartz Altshuler, Head of IDI’s Democracy in the Digital Age Program, joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan on the Times of Israel weekly podcast, What Matters Now. They discuss how various actors can use AI to flood the public sphere with confusion and disinformation, the potential impact this can have in an election year, and key policy and regulatory steps that can be taken to ensure Israel's democracy is prepared for the AI-era.

The institution of the attorney general is one of the few checks on government power in Israel. Legislation making its way through Knesset would effectively remove the constitutional functions of the office to safeguard the rule of law in Israel's democratic system.

Nadav Dagan (PhD), Senior Researcher at the Israel Democracy Institute and Research Fellow at the Minerva Center (University of Haifa), together with Daphne Benvenisty, a researcher at the Israel Democracy Institute, join the Minerva Center for the Rule of Law under Extreme Conditions at the University of Haifa, for a seminar where they present findings from their comparative study on Autocratization and States of Emergency. Their study presents a show a clear link between the use of 'states of emergency' and accelerated erosion or dismantling of democracy, and autocratic consolidation.

Against the backdrop of the bills currently under consideration in the Knesset, which are intended to split the role of the Attorney General, IDI experts explain what is at stake.

 

 

 

 

Dr. Amir Fuchs, Senior Researcher at IDI's Center for Democratic Values and Institutions, joins Israeli journalist Yonit Levi and British journalist Jonathan Freedland on their podcast "Unholy: Two Jews on the News," to discuss the controversial death penalty bill that recently passed in Israel's Knesset. He explains what the new law contains, who it targets, and whether it is likely to be struck down by the courts.

A bill seeking to expand the powers of religious courts and to allow them to arbitrate in civil disputes passed into law. What does the law say, what are the implications for fundamental rights, and is it possible to ensure that arbitration is entered into voluntarily by all parties?

A "special state of emergency" has been applied over the years due to security crises, the COVID pandemic, and now the war with Iran. How does this affect the regulation of the courts and the power of the Minister of Justice?

What can we learn from South Korea, India, Hungary, Venezuela, and Turkey? Findings from a comparative study show a clear link between the use of 'states of emergency' and accelerated erosion or dismantling of democracy, and autocratic consolidation.

The regression in women’s representation in Israel is not a decree of fate but the result of political choices, and precisely in an election period, parties have a real opportunity to reverse this trend.

A fabricated AI-generated image of Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid posted on the Likud's social media accounts is a clear demonstration of a dangerous new form of election propaganda. Urgent steps must be taken to prohibit the use of such materials against one's political opponents.

The Supreme Court is currently conducting a hearing that could signal a constitutional crisis—a contempt-of-court motion filed in the case of the Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Minister of Defense (5819/24), which argues that the government has not complied with the Court’s ruling of November 19, 2025 requiring it to formulate an effective enforcement plan for ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) conscription.

This explainer reviews the background to the Court’s ruling, and considers whether Israel merely faces the risk of a constitutional crisis, or whether such a crisis is already here.

While the police shooting in Tarabin is still under investigation, the events leading up to the shooting reflect a systemic failure in the police's approach to combatting crime in Arab society, and raise concerns about politicization of the police.

The court’s ruling about who can oversee an obstruction of justice investigation into military officials has broad rule-of-law implications.

The proposal to advance a politically appointed commission of inquiry into the events of October 7 is a significant departure from the accepted model of an independent state commission of inquiry. This explainer compares the two models and lays out the key details of each one.

In the aftermath of the Bondi beach Chanukkah shooting, we saw, yet again, an online ecosystem primed to flood the system with antisemitic content and disinformation about the attack. Policymakers must set basic conditions for safeguarding democratic societies in a world where physical attacks and digital narratives are so deeply intertwined.

The Israeli government’s decision to establish its own committee to investigate the failures on October 7 is not enough.

The opinion is correct that Israel violated international law by cutting ties with UNRWA, but some broader observations are questionable.

The Israeli government recently announced its intention to establish its own commission of inquiry into the events of October 7, 2023, rather than forming a State Commission of Inquiry—the most authoritative, independent, and legally empowered investigative mechanism under Israeli law. As Dr. Dana Blander, a research fellow at the Israel Democracy Institute, explains, Israel’s legal framework provides for several types of investigative commissions, each differing in its degree of independence, statutory authority, and public legitimacy. Notably, the government’s recent decision does not establish a State Commission of Inquiry—the appropriate and legally grounded institution for investigating the events of October 7—nor does it create a governmental commission of inquiry. Instead, it proposes a vague, ad hoc body seemingly tailored to serve specific political interests rather than the public need for a credible and impartial investigation. This explainer outlines the existing commissions - as more information comes to light about the government's planned commission, additional analysis will be provided.

The High Court handed down a decision allowing the Minister of Justice choose the civil servant to oversee the investigation into the Sde Teiman video leak affair in the Attorney General's stead. This sets a concerning precedent and ignores the current political reality in Israel.

Israel currently has six government ministries with no ministers leading them. This is not only a breach of the fundamental duty of government, it also means decisions and regulations requiring ministerial approval cannot move forward, and key public services cannot be delivered to the citizens.

Dr. Amir Fuchs, Senior Researcher at the Israel Democracy Institute, speaks to BBC reporter James Coomarasamy on 'The World Tonight' on BBC radio, on what the death penalty law proposal means for Israel and it's legal implications.

Knesset Summer Session: April 2025 to July 24, 2025

Microsoft's termination of certain cloud services by the IDF 8200 unit exposes other vulnerabilities in Israel's national security infrastructure. It's already impacted signal intelligence – without decisive action, the battle field and home front may be next.

Now more than ever, Israelis must be empowered to form complex, non-sloganeering positions that may not fit superficially into existing frameworks. This is the key to breaking free from the simplistic, dichotomies and gridlock in which our discourse is trapped.

Though Members of Knesset are granted immunity from prosecution under the law, legal precedent makes clear that this immunity does not apply to the stage of criminal investigations.

With Justice Minister Yariv Levin's recent appointment as Acting Minister of Jerusalem and Jewish Heritage, he now holds five ministerial portfolios. This situation, with Levin and other ministers, is harmful to public interest and raises important legal and procedural questions.

Why Microsoft, Google, and Amazon hold the keys to Israel's sovereignty.

The education system is obligated to create, for all students in Israeli society, a common foundation for life in a Jewish and democratic state. This includes the ability of students to engage in difficult discussions and requires educators who are grounded in civic responsibility and democratic values.

The Israeli Minister of Justice ordered the locks changed at the Tel Aviv office shared by the Attorney General, an action that blatantly violates the Supreme Court’s interim order prohibiting the dismissal of the Attorney General and any changes to the working arrangements between the government and the Attorney General.

The firing of the AG constitutes another escalation in the current government’s approach to the domestic rule of law institutions.

Israel’s victory over Iran was not just a triumph of military strategy—it was a testament to democracy and moral clarity. In a region plagued by autocracy, it is Israel’s enduring commitment to freedom, pluralism, and the rule of law that gives it the resilience and strength to prevail.

The Head of IDI's Economic Reform Program Gilad Be'ery speaks to Naomi Segal on Kan Radio English about his new analysis on business adoption of AI in Israel. The analysis, based on a first-of-its-kind Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) survey, finds that 28% of Israeli businesses have used AI in the past six months, and that AI is beginning to do the tasks of humans in the workplace. Gilad discusses the implications of these findings and what might lie ahead for Israeli workers. To read the full analysis, click here.

A bill expanding the powers of Israel's religious courts was approved for first reading in Knesset. This raises concerns about the rights of vulnerable population groups, such as women and low wage workers. As a Jewish and democratic state, it is not enough to say rights will be protect – there must be institutional protections.

This week's announcement of the resignation of the ultra-Orthodox parties from the coalition marks a fairly common case of parties resigning due to matters of religion and state. The following historical analysis looks at parties that have withdrawn from their governing coalitions over the years and the ideological disagreements that led them to do so.

A new IDI analysis of a Central Bureau of Statistics survey finds 28% of businesses in Israel used AI in the past six months as part of their business activity. In terms of employees, the proportion is even higher, with 32% of employees working in businesses in which AI is being used.

This paper describes the procedure that has been laid out for dismissing the attorney general, its recent revision, and explains why the decision by the Netanyahu government to fire the attorney general at the current time is legally invalid.

The Knesset passed Amendment 44 in 2016 to regulate the possibility of impeaching MK's. An MK can be expelled if the Knesset finds that his or her actions constituted incitement to racism or support of an armed struggle against Israel.

As Israeli citizens are facing severe threats to their safety during following an escalation of hostilities between Israel and Iran, it is, once again, clear that Arab localities lack proper protective infrastructure against missile attacks.

Modern antisemitism is no longer confined to fringe forums or offensive symbols painted on synagogues: it is now a profit-driven digital economy, powered by crypto, AI, and decentralized platforms. To confront it effectively, we must regulate the infrastructure that monetizes hate—not just educate against it.

Last week, it was announced that a man would lead Israel's Ministry of Social Equality—the ministry responsible for, among other things, gender equality. This, on its own, would not be problematic, but it leaves the total number of women Directors General of government ministries at zero. This lack of representation is not only misaligned with public opinion, it is also a blatant violation of a Supreme Court ruling and reflects disregard for the rule of law.

The Attorney General recently announced an agreement with Itamar Ben-Gvir in response to petitions challenging his reappointment as Minister of National Security. What is included in this agreement, can it be enforced, and is it an appropriate solution to ensure an independent police force?

The announcement by the government this week that it does not intend to form a state commission of inquiry is a grave error—this is not only a civic and moral failure, it also harms Israel's national security and prevents the nation from healing.

The Head of IDI's Democracy in the Digital Age Program was the target of an attempted cyber-attack. The highly specific, human, and professional nature of the attack serves as a reminder that technical defenses only go so far. The tools used are becoming more sophisticated and targeted to the human psyche – so, too, must our defenses.

Polls reveal that despite apparent polarization, Israelis are remarkably united on almost every issue of importance, prioritizing hostage release, ending Haredi draft exemptions, and anchoring a constitutional framework—leaving only their leaders out of step with the national consensus.

Linking October 7 to the Holocaust shapes Israeli memory and identity—but while the parallels evoke deep emotion, this connection must also serve as a call for democratic resilience, not a retreat into victimhood.

When loyalty to the Prime Minister is seen as loyalty to the law itself, Israel risks replacing democracy with rule by decree—undermining the very foundations of the rule of law.

Ronen Bar’s affidavit exposes unprecedented attempts by Prime Minister Netanyahu to misuse the Shin Bet for political ends—pressuring it to track protesters, influence his trial, and prioritize loyalty to him over the rule of law—revealing a profound threat to Israeli democracy and the integrity of its security institutions.

Antisemitism is being intensified by algorithm-driven social media and unregulated AI, making tech policy the decisive arena for combating hate.

The police summoned three journalists to testify as part of the investigation into links between the Prime Minister’s advisors and Qatar. Unlike other privileged relationships, reporter’s privilege is not grounded in law in Israel. Why is that and when are journalists asked to reveal their sources? 

Everything you need to know about yesterday's High Court hearing on Netanyahu's efforts to fire Shin Bet Director Ronen Bar went.

IDI VP of Research Prof. Suzie Navot shares key points to keep in mind in relation to the Supreme Court hearing on Ronen Bar's firing.

By shifting power from professional bodies to political appointees the new law restructuring the Judicial Selection Committee is likely to reduce Arab representation and exacerbate their exclusion.

The reappointment of Itamar Ben-Gvir as Minister of National Security, despite legal objections and a documented pattern of improper political interference in police operations, constitutes an "extremely unreasonable" decision that threatens the independence, professionalism, and democratic integrity of Israel’s law enforcement system.

Expanding the institutional arenas for democratic participation in Israel - through electoral and structural reforms - can help address the growing sense of political helplessness and strengthen the responsiveness of its democratic system. 

The Israeli government's current efforts to dismiss the head of the director of the Shin Bet and the Attorney General, alongside its attempt to restructure the Judicial Selection Committee, reflect a broader shift toward subordinating legal and security institutions to political authority, raising concerns about the erosion of the rule of law and the future of democratic governance in Israel.

Amidst the return to fighting in Gaza, the Minister of Justice is taking advantage of the public's eye being off the ball to hastily overhaul Israel's judicial system.

The amendment to the Immunity Law proposed by MK Tally Gotliv would allow MKs to grant themselves immunity from criminal and civil prosecution, undermining equality before the law and creating inherent conflicts of interest that disproportionately protect coalition members from accountability.

Prime Minister Netanyahu has informed Israel Security Agency Shin Bet Director Ronen Bar of his decision to fire him. Netanyahu cited his mounting lack of confidence in Bar as grounds for his dismissal. KAN's Mark Weiss spoke about the prime minister’s decision to dismiss Ronen Bar with Prof Amichai Cohen, a Senior Fellow at the Israel Democracy Institute.

On March 16, 2025, Prime Minister Netanyahu announced his intention to bring the dismissal of Ronen Bar, the head of the Israeli Security Agency (Shin Bet), Israel's internal security service, to a vote of the full cabinet. Though not a perfect comparison, the Shin Bet is often seen as comparable to the FBI in the US.  

In just over a decade, Israel’s score in the report published by Freedom House has fallen by 8 points, a decline that now puts it alongside countries such as Brazil and Namibia.

A survey on women's representation conducted among men and women in Israel. Findings show that most (65%) consider equal representation when deciding on which party to vote for; 71% think the number of women in the Knesset, the government and in senior positions should be increased. 

An analysis and international comparison of women's representation in the Israeli political arena. 

The battle over Israel’s legal system has resumed, threatening judicial independence.

Changes in the composition of the Judicial Selection Committee threaten the independence of the judicial system. The current proposals would lead to a complete politicization of appointments to all courts and should be blocked. 

Crime in Arab society has seen an unprecedented surge in the past couple of years posing a threat to Israeli society as a whole. What's needed is a real political commitment to the issue, making it clear to criminals that they face the entire state and society. 

The proposed bill, which would change the selection process of the Ombudsman - responsible for investigating complaints about the conduct of judges and religious court judges - aims to intimidate judges and undermine their independence.

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IDI's Dr. Guy Lurie explains the far-reaching implications of non-cooperation between the two leaders of Israel's judiciary.
"It's the everyday citizens who are sure to pay the price."

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Dr. Guy Lurie, a Research Fellow at IDI's Democratic Values and Institutions Program, offers a breakdown on the risks of politicization inherent in the recent proposal by Minister of Justice Levin and Foreign Minister Sa'ar to reform the Judicial Selection Committee.

The Knesset, Israel's parliament, marks 76 years today. Over the decades, it has shaped the nation's laws, policies, and political landscape, evolving alongside Israel and the modern world. How much do you know about the Knesset and its history? Test your knowledge. 

Israel must not squander its opportunity for much needed renewal, but first the people need to weigh in and choose a consensual mechanism of constitutional reform

Dr. Guy Lurie, Senior Researcher at the Israel Democracy Institute, speaks to KAN reporter Naomi Segal following the election of Justice Isaac Amit to Chief Justice and the Minister of Justice's statement that he does not recognize the appointment and will not cooperate with him. 

Following Justice Isaac Amit's selection as Supreme Court President, Minister of Justice Levin immediately declared he would refrain from any collaboration between them, describing the selection process as unlawful. This announcement is both factually incorrect and a serious dereliction of his duties. 

The lack of cooperation between the Minister of Justice and the President of the Supreme Court has numerous consequences that will, among other things, harm the services provided by the judiciary to the citizens of Israel.

While the selection of Justice Amit as President of the Supreme Court was done in accordance with the relevant legislation, the Justice Minister has declared the procedure "fundamentally improper and illegal." His refusal to recognize the selection creates a precedent that may lead to the deterioration of the authority of other institutions. This is what the beginning of a constitutional crisis looks like. 

In recent years, it has repeatedly been claimed that “Israel has too many elections.” On the one hand, this is true, Israel has the highest frequency of parliamentary elections compared to all developed democracies. On the other, Israelis have fewer voting opportunities.

Justice Minister Yariv Levin and Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar presented their proposed changes to the composition of the Judicial Selection Committee (JSC) as a compromise aimed at achieving a gradual change in the judicial selection process, but many constitutional experts worry that the plan will have dire consequences resulting in the politicization of Israel’s judicial selection process.

Law enforcement and security agencies are central pillars of democratic rule, and therefore, their capture is a pivotal factor in democratic decline. A comparative analysis by IDI experts reveals that this takeover is often achieved quietly while striving to present all steps as lawful. 

The Levin-Saar plan abandons key elements of his earlier judicial overhaul, proposing changes to judicial selection and Basic Laws. While flawed, it offers a potential starting point for bipartisan negotiations to resolve Israel’s constitutional crisis.

 What are the legal steps that must be taken when a deal includes the freeing of Palestinian prisoners from Israeli prisons?

The Sa'ar-Levin proposal represents a shift from prioritizing professional qualifications in the Judicial Selection Committee to emphasizing political loyalty as the basis for judicial appointments. This risks eroding judicial independence, compromising professionalism, and incentivizing ideological extremism.