Ultra-Orthodox

A special survey assessing public opinion on matters of national security, presented at IDI's annual conference on Security and Democracy. The survey found support for a mandatory draft, and significant economic penalties for those who do not serve.

The recently proposed bill runs counter to accepted budgeting principles and undermines the autonomy of local governance. 

 A survey of daycare subsidies in Israel and recommendations for improved criteria that would encourage participation in the labor market among the ultra-Orthodox. 

It is increasingly clear that Israel’s future depends on the forging of two coalitions. One is a multinational alliance determined to turn the Palestinian issue from a driver of conflict into an engine of peace. The other, is an internal Israeli coalition ready to pursue a series of bold social, economic, and political reforms.

IDI's Dr. Gilad Malach joined Kann English podcast to discuss the issue of ultra-Orthodox conscription and the ensuing termination of daycare subsidies for children of yeshiva students who refuse draft orders. 

Israel’s challenges on Tisha B’Av 5784 are severe and complex. The costs we pay for living here are heavy and bloody. Yet the people living in Zion cling to the tradition of their forefathers and foremothers and to generations of pioneers who lived and died hoping to establish a model society here.

On Monday August 5, 2024 and Tuesday August 6, 2024—900 ultra-Orthodox yeshiva students were required to present themselves at IDF enlistment centers. Shlomit Ravitsky Tur-Paz, Dr. Eran Shamir-Borer and Mirit Lavi explain the next steps the IDF will need to take in order to enforce the legal obligation of conscription. 

As the IDF issues the first batches of draft orders for ultra-Orthodox men, the following outlines the challenges, opportunities and objectives of an amended conscription law. 

The IDF should do what it can to ease the transition of Haredim from the social frameworks in which they have grown up and been educated into the military, but it is also important for new conscripts to understand that the rules cannot be changed according to the preferences of every single soldier or group.

This study describes the employment trends among men registered in ultra-Orthodox yeshivas between the ages of 18-25. The findings are based on a reported work, or "legal work," so it is very likely that this is an underestimation of reality. 

Elections for the Chief Rabbinate Council and the two chief rabbis (“the Chief Rabbinate elections”) will likely be announced in the near term. The present document suggests a number of fundamental changes to its membership, with the goal of making it more representative.

Nine Supreme Court Justices ruled unanimously that the state must act to enforce Israeli conscription legislation and apply it to Haredi men. For this to be realized the IDF and the defense establishment must also make significant changes. These are the issues the IDF should take into consideration.

"It's a matter of a change in the trajectory," says Yohanan Plesner, president of IDI following the Israeli Supreme Court ruling on the issue of ultra-Orthodox conscription.

The Supreme Court ruling on June 25th addresses the question of whether the government is operating in accordance with the law. It determined that the state must act in accordance with the law and act to draft ultra-Orthodox. It also connects between the issue of exemptions and the criteria for eligibility for yeshiva budget funds.

"Basically we've entered into a new unknown terrain," says IDI President Yohanan Plesner.

The aim of this review is to present the views of the Jewish public in Israel regarding the institution of the Chief Rabbinate, based on the findings of an opinion survey that was conducted in May 2024.

Dr. Ariel Finkelstein warns that the proposed new "Rabbis Law" would weaken the standing of local communities, could lead to cronyism, reduce women's representation and more. 

Yohanan Plesner, President of IDI lays out the basic principles for a fair draft law.

What are the economic impacts of the Haredi blanket exemption and how would drafting the ultra-Orthodox benefit Israeli society and economy?

Ahead of the Shavuot holiday, the Israel Democracy Institute is releasing a series of source materials for study during the "tikkun leil Shavuot" (the traditional Shavuot eve study session).

The discussion in the Supreme Court yesterday was not about whether a law exempting yeshiva students harms the principle of equality. It was about a much more basic question: is the State of Israel acting in accordance with the principle of the rule of law—that is, can yeshiva students be exempted from enlisting in the IDF, when there is no law allowing for this.

Israel's Supreme Court convened to hear arguments on the issue of drafting ultra-Orthodox yeshiva students who no longer are exempt from military service, and the legality of providing funding for yeshivas that enroll them as long as no new law has been legislated on this issue.

A special collaboration with Makor Rishon includes updated data on conscription, information on shifting trends in Haredi public opinion, articles and columns by researchers at IDI.

When did the ultra-Orthodox first receive an exemption from military service? How have Haredi demographics influenced this issue?

This is a timeline of the central milestones affecting the issue of Haredi conscription. 

The proposed law ignores the dramatic change in Israel's security situation since October 7 and does not address the need for more combat soldiers, nor does it respect the burden on the populations that already serve.

We examine the increased burden of reserve service that the defense establishment is seeking to impose on the population groups that already perform regular and reserve service, and the economic-budgetary implications of this step for the period through to 2050.

Dr. Asaf Malchi's research explores the perspective of yeshiva students, their personal and social challenges and highlights a subgroup of 'alterative yeshivas' and their shifting perspectives on vocational training and employment.

IDI's Dr. Gilad Malach explains what a fair draft law for the ultra-Orthodox would look like. One that would distribute the burden over Israel's security more equally while enabling young Haredi men to integrate into the job market.

This study was designed to assess the level of satisfaction among students in higher yeshivot (ages 17 and above), their personal and social challenges, and their attitudes toward possible alternatives to yeshiva studies, such as vocational training and employment.

Dr. Rivka Neriya-Ben Shahar proposes a model that resembles the secular educational system of colleges and universities to identify the most gifted torah scholars, who would receive a generous stipend. Others must rethink their role as part of Israeli society.

The history of the ultra-Orthodox exemption from service in the Israeli Defense Force (IDF), from the 1948 until today. 

Yohanan Plesner, president of IDI and head of the 2012 Plesner committee which sought to implement a model of "service for all," and Dr. Gilad Malach, head of the ultra-Orthodox program at IDI, share their analysis of the rapid increase in the number of yeshiva and kollel students over the past year. 

What is the connection between the expiration of the conscription law and the budgets for yeshivas? What exactly was discussed in the Supreme Court and is the state in violation of the law? Bottom line, will the ultra-Orthodox be recruited, or not?

The legal basis for deferring military service for Yeshiva students no longer exists, removing legal justification for the transference of funds to religious institutions with students under 26. Funding for Torah study institutions is the most substantial question that needs to be addressed at the current time, when Israeli society is rethinking its relations with the Haredi public. 

Internal struggles between factions within the Sepharadic ultra-religious movement Shas are only beginning. The absence of the unifying figure of Rabbi Ovadia Yosef is still sorely felt, and only time will tell whether the rabbinical elite or the Knesset members representing a moderate electorate will gain the upper hand.

In Israel, social borders, political demands and the status of women continue to underscore tensions between liberal democratic values and the conservative, ultra-Orthodox Jewish communities.

How are elections in ultra-Orthodox municipalities different from those in non-orthodox local authorities? Are they comparable to the Arab community? A survey an analysis of the political structure of Haredi local authorities. 

Recently, a new answer to the dilemma of the 'modern Haredi' has been advanced enthusiastically by Rabbi David Leibel, one that maintains religiosity while increasing civic participation in the economy and in defense of Israel. 

First chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Second chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Third chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fourth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fifth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Sixth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

The need for expanded IDF service is clear—but the options for achieving this are rife with political contention and economic consequences. The time to rethink long-term security arrangements is after the fog of war lifts, under newly elected leaders with broad public legitimacy. 

Coalition funds have been part of the budget-making progress for years. This study examines the trends in the use of these funds under the last three governments. One can see that the volume of coalition funds has grown up to fourfold within two Governments and that their breakdown has been less professional and more directed to interest groups.

The divide between Israel's Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) public and the Haredi establishment and political leadership has never been more striking. Many parts of Haredi society have joined the national war efforts while the Haredi political leadership have acted as if nothing has happened. 

The heads of the established traditional Haredi yeshivot have instructed their institutions to continue studies as normal during the current state of emergency, in accordance with the belief in the power of Torah study to protect the people of Israel. By contrast, the messages heard from various other rabbis reflect an understanding of changing needs and offer a blueprint for a new leadership vision.

A growing number of Haredi men are volunteering for the IDF following the outbreak of the war against Hamas. This trend may signify that the “modern Haredi” phenomenon may be developing into a real movement.  

The hurt felt by the broad section of the Israeli public that is moderately traditional may have serious consequences for the struggle against the government’s judicial overhaul.

In recent weeks it seems that something notable is happening in the Israeli haredi, or ultra-Orthodox, community when it comes to teaching math, English and science in schools almost exclusively devoted to religious instruction.

Should the foundations of the crime of incitement to racism be reconsidered? Absolutely-yes. But it should not be selective and favor a particular sector in society.

This explainer will cover the current structure of the Haredi education system, its pedagogical requirements and the budgets it receives from the Government.

The current model of the yeshiva and kollel world, in which all men are channelled for long years of study serves the goal of keeping young ultra-Orthodox men off the secular street. Paradoxically, the main victim is the Torah world itself.

How would different tracks of enlistment change the longstanding Israeli ethos of service and sacrifice for the state and society?

The ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) Conscription bill, if passed into law, would in effect, allow Haredi men to totally avoid military service.

For years, ultra-Orthodox leadership has been protesting that the internet will bring rack and ruin on the entire community and on individual users, however, the internet and especially the social networks, play a major role in the internal reforms that the ultra-Orthodox must introduce.

The deep fear expressed by the leadership of Israelis haredim is not of external criticism, but of an internal blurring of identity and straying from the path.

The law for “adequate and appropriate representation” that is progressing along the Knesset legislative path is neither just, nor fair; it is neither wise nor ethical. And above all, it is not ultra-Orthodox.

Sixth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

First chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Second chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Third chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fourth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fifth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

The model underlying the IDF’s success is in grave danger -  we must have the courage to change its outdated model of service

A new IDI study finds that 26% of ultra-Orthodox men say they don’t know English at all and an additional 28% say their English is "poor."

Finance Minister Liberman’s employment incentives for members of the ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) community are a "mix of ‘carrots’ and ‘sticks’ and could encourage members of the Haredi community to join the labor market - however elements of the plan could also expand the existing trend of part-time employment.

Ultra-Orthodox Jews now make up 13% of Israelis, and are continuing to grow rapidly. In 2020, the pandemic led to an increase in the number of applicants for professional and academic training, especially among ultra-Orthodox men

Despite public criticism, two thirds of ultra-Orthodox Israelis are now online

Sixth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Third chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fourth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fifth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

First chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Growing willingness to report sexual abuse in ultra-Orthodox society: The last two decades have seen a dramatic rise in the number of cases of sexual abuse or violence against children treated by social service agencies in ultra-Orthodox local authorities, where today- the rate of abuse is higher than in other local authorities

Congratulations to the Bennett government on approving the outline for lowering the age of the students exempted from service in the IDF to 21. This is a vital and necessary step that the Israel Democracy Institute has recommended in recent years. A kind of necessary evil that will lead in the short term to the entry of about 5,000 ultra-Orthodox into the labor market and thousands more in the coming years.

Survey finds lowering the exemption age is not likely to reduce the number of ultra-Orthodox conscripts to the IDF, however it will encourage thousands of ultra-Orthodox men to enter the workforce.

Dr. Gilad Malach on the Finance Minister's Decision Regarding Daycare Subsidies: "This is a welcome decision that will end the preferential treatment that ultra-Orthodox households have enjoyed"

Though this handful of demonstrators is not representative of ultra-Orthodox society as a whole, it reflects a growing trend among young ultra-Orthodox men who find an outlet in right-wing protests.

Ultra-Orthodox women’s employment in Israel has undergone a revolution in recent years—that is, the diversification of the occupations in which they are employed

Government agencies have not geared up to effectively address the phenomenon of marginalized ultra-Orthodox youth

Second chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Sixth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

First chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Second chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Third chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fourth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fifth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

62% of Haredim have very little or no confidence in Prime Minister Netanyahu's Handling of COVID-19; 60% think decision makers are guided mostly or only by political concerns

This study provides first-ever reliable estimate of the rate and scope of transitions into and out of the ultra-Orthodox community; an analysis made possible thanks to innovative methodology and a rich dataset. 

In the second wave of the pandemic it seems that many ultra-Orthodox rabbis are assigning higher priority to 'customer retention' than to the clear halakhic imperative to preserve health and life

Rabbi Kanievsky’s decision to disregard the law and open ultra-Orthodox schools is the first time in Israeli history that we are seeing something that approaches a call for mass civil disobedience orchestrated by a key public figure.

IDI experts present analysis of recent behavior of the ultra-Orthodox sector and present recommendations for an exit strategy from the lockdown, to be applied in the coming weeks and months.

IDI experts analyze recent behavior of the ultra-Orthodox sector and present recommendations for a staggered exit strategy from the lockdown.

The handwriting was on the wall. Since the founding of the State, rabbis have served as middlemen between the government and the ultra-Orthodox. We must acknowledge that this approach has failed miserably.

The coronavirus crisis proves once again that the lives of all Israelis are intertwined with those of the ultra-Orthodox and the country cannot be sustained with an autonomy living behind closed walls. Without shared responsibility for public health - 'normal life' will not be possible the post-COVID-19 era

Dr. Gilad Malach, Director of IDI's Ultra-Orthodox in Israel program on MK Ya'acov Litzman's resignation from the Cabinet: "Indicative of a very strong sentiment among the ultra-Orthodox community where there is currently a high level of distrust of government policies." 

Ultra-Orthodox communities have been very critical of their political leaders for not advocating vigorously enough on their behalf at the beginning of the COVID crisis. Now, the ultra-Orthodox parties are at the forefront of the contentious demand to permit mass travel to Uman.

Subsidizing cheap old apartments in poor towns won't solve the housing shortage for the ultra-Orthodox, but it will destroy those towns' social fabric

In wake of the coronavirus pandemic, IDI experts present a status report on the current state of Israel's ultra-Orthodox community as well as policy recommendations for how to better integrate them into Israeli society

The corona crisis has had serious economic repercussions for many households, including for members of Israel's ultra-Orthodox community. Survey findings indicate that while most of the ultra-Orthodox plan to cut back on their current expenditures, there are also quite a few households in which one of the spouses plans on increasing the scope of his or her employment, and in about one-fifth of the households- one of the spouses who has not previously worked, intends to now join the workforce.

The lack of exposure to mainstream media outlets and the internet limits this community's access to Health Ministry instructions on the coronavirus.

The tragic results of initial faulty advice from leading rabbis is a wake-up call to Haredi Jews to start making their own decisions.

Dr. Gilad Malach held a press briefing focused on the coronavirus’ effect on the ultra-Orthodox in Israel and what might be the long term implications for employment, use of technology and the attitude towards official state authorities in this often isolated community.

How can we curb the spread of the coronavirus in the ultra-Orthodox community in Israel? IDI experts explain

A proposal by the panel appointed to investigate ultra-Orthodox enlistment to lower the exemption age defies multiple High Court rulings

Third chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fourth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fifth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Sixth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

First chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Second chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

"More Yeshiva students" and "Haredi women are driving growth" - are just some of the highlights of the new report.

The 2019 Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel provides both a snapshot of the ultra-Orthodox in Israel today and an analysis of trends characterizing this community in recent decades, in key areas such as demography, education, employment, and use of leisure time.

The tension between the "military service for all" and "exemption for all" represents the tradeoff between the quest for equality and the existing political-social reality.

In light of their demographic growth, the ultra-Orthodox community in Israel have to attempt to become part of in the broader Israeli society.

Despite the fact that the State of Israel and its central institutions are essentially secular and reflect a Zionist self-image, according to data from the 2016 Democracy Index only two-thirds (64%) of ultra-Orthodox Israelis report having a strong sense of belonging to the state. 

How do young ultra-Orthodox couples cope with the housing crisis? The most recent figures on home-buying point to a change of the trend in the ultra-Orthodox internal migration. This change poses a challenge, but also an opportunity. How should the state respond?

Israel’s ultra-Orthodox sector is less homogeneous than most assume.

What is Wrong with the National Civic Service program for the Ultra-Orthodox and How to Reform It?

For many years the ultra-Orthodox were perceived as “captive voters” who would always comply with their rabbis’ instructions to cast their ballot for ultra-Orthodox parties. In today’s new reality such directives are no longer enough

The current Knesset undermined policies that promote the integration that is key to ultra-Orthodox well-being; the next Knesset has the capacity to reverse the trend

In a conversation with Fathom Deputy Editor Calev Ben-Dor, Malach discusses the recent changes that have taken place in ultra-Orthodox society, voting trends within the ‘sector’, and how the onset of technology is affecting voting patterns

The third out of six chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

The fourth out of six chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

The fifth out of six chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

What is the secret behind the power of the ultra-Orthodox political parties in Israel and how has it changed over the years? The article presents an overview of the development of the ultra-Orthodox political parties in Israel from the establishment of the State as well as insights as to future developments.

As election season heats up, Tipping Point host Dr. Gilad Malach of the Israel Democracy Institute and Rabbi Yehoshua Pfeffer to understand how Haredi parties became kingmakers in Israeli politics, why recent polls show a decline in their power and whether there is a chance that Shas and United Torah Judaism will join forces in the current campaign.

Even though military service seems to be one of the most blatant threats to the ultra-Orthodox lifestyle, it has become a rather attractive channel for broad segments of the community.

More and more ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) Israelis are enlisting in the IDF, driven by personal, financial, and professional motives, with military service seen as an “entrance ticket” to Israeli society and to the labor market. But military service also introduces them to the shared components of identity and citizenship linking them to the state and its values, and enabling them to identify with others, from outside their community.

Dr. Gilad Malach, head of the ultra-Orthodox research program at the Israel Democracy Institute, discusses the findings of the 2018 statistical report on the ultra-Orthodox society in Israel

IDI’s 2018 report on ultra-Orthodox society is out - shedding light on changing trends in population, education, employment, and leisure in the ultra-Orthodox community in Israel.

Guaranteeing an independent Supreme Court. Integrating the Ultra-Orthodox into the IDF. Boosting participation of Arab women in the workforce. Improving the ease of doing business in Israel. These are some of the challenges facing IDI’s new cadre of program and center directors.

Majority support for drafting young ultra-Orthodox into the army goes as far back as 1991. There have been small fluctuations, but consistently --at least 2/3 (65%) of the Israeli public has supported drafting yeshiva students or young ultra-Orthodox into the IDF.

Now is the time to rise above petty politics and pass a draft law that will uphold the principle of civic equality in Israel.

Israel's secular elite has lost its enthusiasm for combat service and now targets intelligence units, such as Unit 8200.

IDI puts forth analysis of why the proposed conscription plan for the ultra-Orthodox is problematic and offers an alternative approach

Leading public figures avoid dealing with issues that are of national importance when it entails confronting the ultra-Orthodox community.

The Minister of Finance has invested tremendous resources in meeting the needs of the Israeli middle class. However, even with these efforts, the minister has failed to address the ultra-Orthodox’s needs — a mistake that has contributed to an acute housing crisis for this sector of Israeli society.

Yohanan Plesner, President of the Israel Democracy Institute cautions that the Ministry of Defense’s proposed draft bill “endangers IDF’s model of service as a “People's Army” based on the principle of mandatory service for all

Featuring two book launches: “Haredim A Guide to their Beliefs and Sectors” and “A Flock with No Shepherd: Shas Leadership the Day after Rabbi Ovadia Yosef”

No matter when they take place, the upcoming elections will have a decisive impact on the identity of the state if decision-makers and the general public continue to follow the ultra-Orthodox lead

The absolute exclusion of women from ultra-Orthodox parties keeps their specific interests from being addressed effectively in the public sphere.

The first out of five chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

The second out of five chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

The third out of five chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

Ultra-Orthodox society is moving toward a more Israeli, more modern future, while also maintaining its unique characteristics. 

For the first time since 2013- a decline in the number of ultra-Orthodox men in the workforce

For the ultra-Orthodox sector and for us as a society, justice is not charity.

Stereotypes—both positive and negative—are an obstacle to the development of a genuine partnership between the ultra-Orthodox and the rest of Israeli society. The Haredim are Israel's biggest sociological mystery. We must learn the facts rather than engaging in speculation. 

Are women leading the change in ultra-Orthodox society or are they preserving their unique way of life? Learn more about the tension between the possibilities that the modern world offers ultra-Orthodox women and the many complex challenges facing them. 

How many ultra-Orthodox live in Israel today? How many will watch this clip on the internet? How are ultra-Orthodox women transforming their community? How many are employed? What age to they get married?

Israel Democracy Institute and the Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research published today the 2017 Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel. The report presents trends in population, education, employment, and leisure in the ultra-Orthodox sector in Israel.

Growing numbers of ultra-Orthodox women postponing marriage to pursue a career path, new study finds.

In 2017, we have to ask: Who is ultra-Orthodox? What are the boundaries of ultra-Orthodox society? What are the boundaries of ultra-Orthodox identity within the Israeli sphere?

In the coming weeks, members of the Council of Higher Education will vote on expanding gender-separated classrooms for ultra-Orthodox on academic campuses.

Finance Minister Moshe Kahlon’s Net Family Plan could give a boost to the haredi middle class, which has been developing over the last several years, by increasing the incentive for haredim to seek a higher education and for both parents to work.

Haredim and Arabs must be integrated into society and economy to take the start-up nation to the next level.

New statistics shed light on a population that was once hidden behind "walls of holiness." Today, those walls are beginning to break.

“The Kotel compromise presents a proper balance between the will and desire of Orthodox individuals - who are the majority of those praying at the Western Wall -- to continue praying in the main plaza as they always have, and the will and desire of other Jewish groups that want to pray in the vicinity of the Kotel according to their faith."

The fourth out of five chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

Israel needs to abandon the vindictive approach of trying to reform ultra-Orthodox society through force and budget cuts, and rather start investing heavily in education and job creation in the ultra-Orthodox sector. This op-ed was first published in the New York Jewish Week.

The inflammatory statements made about Reform Judaism at the recent First Zion and Jerusalem Conference are not merely old rhetoric, but rather a national ultra-Orthodox (Hardal) declaration of a holy war against the spread of pluralistic Judaism in Israel.

The relationship between religion and state in Israel is stormy. Lately, it seems the ultra-Orthodox have launched a new offensive on several fronts. This op-ed was originally published by JNS.org.

No aspect of the current Western Wall plaza arrangement, in which the Orthodox maintain a monopoly, will change if other denominations are allowed to pray at the foot of the Temple Mount in a new plaza. This article was first published by The Jerusalem Post.

The desired result could have been achieved quietly and efficiently had the Knesset adopted a rational arrangement that would encourage military service through positive and negative economic incentives. (This article was originally published in the Jewish Journal of LA.)

According to Dr. Shuki Friedman, the rabbinate's failure to provide adequate religious services caused the current trend towards privatization of religious services, which is creating a de-facto separation between religion and the state.

Dr. Gilad Malach, who heads IDI's research program on the ultra-Orthodox community in Israel, discusses the barriers that weigh down attempts to increase the employment rate in the Haredi community and suggests possible solutions.

Prof. Yedidia Stern analyzes the problems with past proposals to integrate the ultra-Orthodox sector into the IDF, and proposes a new solution.

Prof. Yedidia Stern urges Israel's leaders to stop tiptoeing around the core issues of religion and state in the Knesset election campaign, and to take a clear position on the matter.

Nineteen years after the murder of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, IDI Vice President Prof. Mordechai Kremnitzer explores the background, meaning, and ramifications of this event, taking a hard look at some of the dangers he sees in Israeli society today.

In an article in the <em>Jewish Week</em>, IDI Vice President Yedidia Stern discusses the question of whether it is appropriate for commanders to use religious rhetoric in motivating their soldiers, and stresses the need for the Israeli army to represent all.

IDI President Yohanan Plesner stresses the need to ensure that the Israel Defense Forces remains at the heart of the Zionist consensus so as to enable it to continue to be the army of all citizens of Israel.

An exploration of the existential, social, and economic dimensions of the Shmita year, that calls for bringing together social, moral, cultural, religious and national forces to implement the idea of Shmita in non-agricultural and national contexts in Israel.

IDI Vice President Prof. Mordechai Kremnitzer addresses the question of the appropriateness of the letter that Givati Brigade commander Col.Ofer Winter sent to his subordinate officers as Israel prepared for the ground incursion in Gaza in the summer of 2014.

Rabbi Dr. Benjamin Lau shares thoughts on the tension between Judaism and democracy, in response to the public protests against the marriage of a Jewish woman who converted to Islam and an Israeli Arab. 

In an op-ed in Ynet News, IDI researcher Dr. Haim Zicherman discusses the steps that Israeli society must take in order to enable ultra-Orthodox men to integrate into the Israeli army and workforce.

How do Jews in Israel see their connection with Jews in the Diaspora? In preparation for the first <a href="http://jms.org.il" target="_blank">Jewish Media Summit</a> (JMS), IDI's Guttman Center for Surveys conducted a survey of the attitudes of Israeli Jews toward Diaspora Jewry.

Rabbi Dr. Benjamin (Benny) Lau presents three snapshots from different times and places, reflecting on a city that combines ancient and modern, sacred and secular, eternal truths and ordinary life.

Do Jewish and Arab citizens of Israel see Yom Ha'atzmaut as a holiday? Do perceptions among Jews vary depending upon level of religiosity or position on the right-left political spectrum? Find out in this Mini-Survey from IDI's Guttman Center.

To facilitate the entry of haredim into academia and the workforce, the state and private industry have invested hundreds of millions of shekels in recent years to create ultra-Orthodox frameworks to support individuals who are looking for academic education and employment while also remaining loyal to their cultural mores. As a result, nearly 80 percent of ultra-Orthodox women are now employed, on par with secular Jewish Israeli women.

Prof. Shahar Lifshitz outlines what halakhic authorities and the Knesset can do in order to resolve the issue of get refusal, as discussed at the Second Agunah Summit.

As the Knesset prepares to vote on the "Draft Law" designed to regulate the service of ultra-Orthodox men in the Israel Defense Forces, Dr. Haim Zicherman surveys the current situation within Israel's Haredi community.

Do students in the religious Zionist hesder yeshivot really contribute less to the IDF than other men who serve? IDI Researcher Dr. Benny Porat does the math and comes to an interesting conclusion.

As the Shaked Committee begins to vote on its proposal for the Haredi draft, Prof. Yedidia Z. Stern warns that the proposal's recommendation to exempt Haredi men of draft age during a three-year "adjustment period" is both inequitable and ineffective. 

In an article in The Jewish Week, Gitit Paz, a young scholar in IDI's Human Rights and Judaism project, discusses the status of mamzer in Jewish law and in contemporary Israel. 

On November 21 2013, Prof. Yedidia Z. Stern appeared before the Shaked Committee and argued that criminal sanctions are not recommended for reaching conscription goals. In an op-ed in Makor Rishon, he explains why.

Rabbi Dr. Benjamin (Benny) Lau expresses support for the proposed civil union bill, which would allow couples who do not want to marry in a religious service to form a legally recognized union and be eligible for the benefits and responsibilities associated with marriage.

Prof. Yedidia Stern shares thoughts on the connection between failure of the ultra-Orthodox "Tov" party in the local elections, the Haredi draft bill being debated by the Shaked Committee, and Newton's laws of motion.

Should the American model of separation of church and state be applied to Israel? In an article in <em>The Jewish Week</em>, IDI's Yair Sheleg argues that Israel needs a unique model.

Why is Yom Kippur the most significant day on the Jewish calendar? What explains its appeal even to people who define themselves as "secular"? IDI research fellow Yair Sheleg shares his thoughts on this matter.

The first in a series of articles by researchers from IDI's Judaism and democracy projects and Human Rights and Judaism project on the complementary but tense relations between Judaism and democratic values.

Is it possible to draft the ultra-Orthodox and integrate them into Israel's society and economy in a mutually-agreeable manner that encourages solidarity between the different sectors of the Jewish people? Prof. Yedidia Z. Stern shares thoughts on wars between brothers and brothers-in-arms.

Prof. Yedidia Z. Stern and Attorney Haim Zicherman stress the need to break down barriers that are preventing Haredi service in the army and integration in the labor force, and warn against passing a popular but ill-advised reform. 

IDI researcher Attorney Haim Zicherman warns against attempts to integrate ultra-Orthodox Jews into the army by encouraging them to abandon their lifestyle, and calls for developing mechanisms that will accept and respect their values. 

IDI's Prof. Mordechai Kremnitzer critiques various aspects of the proposals for integrating the ultra-Orthodox into the army and calls on the Israeli public to stand firm on its demand for an arrangement that is fair and equitable.

Prof. Yedidia Stern calls for a historic alliance between religious and secular moderates that will yield a solution that will  that will yield a solution that addresses the need for ultra-Orthodox army service while taking into account the most important values of the Haredi community.

The need for the ultra-Orthodox community in Israel to share the burden of military service and participate equally in the Israeli economy was a central issue in the 2013 elections. IDI researcher Dr. Benny Porat shares his thoughts on how to bring about this change in the Haredi community.

IDI researcher Dr. Benjamin Brown discusses the sense of attack experienced by the Haredi community in the 2013 election campaign and calls for a process of gradual change in integrating the ultra-Orthodox in the Israeli army and workforce.

Naftali Bennett's statement that he would refuse orders if commanded to evacuate settlements raises questions about the type of insubordination that he and his party condone. In an op-ed in Yedioth Ahronoth, Prof. Yedidia Stern calls on Habayit Hayehudi to clarify its position on the matter.

An analysis of Israeli public opinion on the issue of drafting ultra-Orthodox yeshiva students, as revealed in polls conducted by IDI's Guttman Center for Surveys from 1986 through 2009.

In an op-ed in The Jerusalem Post, IDI's Prof. Yedidia Stern, who served on the Plesner Committee for Equality in National Service, and Mr. Jay Ruderman analyze the Haredi community's reluctance to serve in the Israeli army and present an approach that will facilitate Haredi integration into Israel's army and society.

Following the dissolution of the Committee to Advance Equality in Sharing the Burden, committee head MK Yohanan Plesner submitted proposals for alternatives to the Tal Law. In this article, IDI Researcher Attorney Haim Zicherman, who served as the content coordinator of the Plesner Committee, warns that some of those measures were personal recommendations rather than recommendations of the Committee, and may reverse trends of increasing army service by ultra-Orthodox Jews.

In this response to the Supreme Court ruling on the Tal Law, IDI Senior Researcher Yair Sheleg asserts that the exemption of ultra-Orthodox men from military service is an unparalleled <em>Hillul Hashem</em>—a desecration of the Name of God, and shares his views of a possible solution.

IDI Vice President of Research Prof. Yedidia Stern sets the  controversy over mass transportation on Shabbat and holidays in Israel in a broader context, and distinguished between the need for an Israeli-Jewish Shabbat (Sabbath) rather than a religious Shabbat.

In an op-ed originally published in Haaretz on June 18, 2010, IDI Vice President Prof. Yedidia Z. Stern responds to the dramatic events in the city of Immanuel, warns secular society about the growing demonization of the Haredi community, and urges the Haredi community to have greater faith in the courts—the ultimate protectors of the rights of minorities.

The government and the coalition have been given a second chance – which has come at a heavy price of blood and suffering – to turn this crisis into an opportunity and set the foundations for a new social covenant among Israelis.

The demographic explosion of the ultra-Orthodox sector will no doubt lead the two partners in United Torah Judaism to divorce. When that happens, the minorities including the “New Haredim,” will wield greater power and demand that their children have a future in the working world.

Notwithstanding the drama related to the question of whether the ultra-Orthodox Ashkenazi parties will continue to run together in the current election, there are voices within these communities that might render this arrangement unacceptable in the near future.

125 years ago, Herzl failed to convince ultra-Orthodox leadership to join the Zionist movement, and while their leadership did sign the Declaration of Independence in 1948, they Haredim remained in their “enclave” communities. Now, if modern-day Israel is to continue to thrive, integration of the ultra-Orthodox is crucial

The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly increased school dropout rates due to its exacerbation of the already emotional, social, and academic crises affecting multiple age and population groups.

What are the ramifications of recent developments, and especially of the COVID-19 pandemic, for the economic resilience of ultra-Orthodox households in Israel?

An increasing number of young Ultra-Orthodox women are choosing not to go down the traditional path of studies preparing them for a teaching career. Instead, they are enrolling in academic institutions to study subjects that will help them embark on a professional career and hopefully be reflected in their income.

2020 report finds that Ultra-Orthodox men do not support an egalitarian division of domestic tasks. Only one-third of ultra-Orthodox Israelis believe that paid employment is the best way for women to achieve independence.

The 2020 Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel found that over the last five years there has been a 38% increase in the number of ultra-Orthodox students in technological training tracks. The most in-demand subjects in academia are education and teaching, social sciences, and computer science.
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The new report finds that employment rates for ultra-Orthodox women continue to rise, while those for ultra-Orthodox men remain stagnant; household income for ultra-Orthodox families is 58% lower than other Jewish Israeli households; and over the last five years - a 33% increase in the number of yeshiva and kollel students in Israel

Dr. Gilad Malach, Director of the Ultra-Orthodox in Israel Program at the Israel Democracy Institute, discusses how the COVID pandemic has affected the internal dynamics of Israel's Haredi communities, their relationship with their political leadership and with government as a whole.

For many, the spiritual and educational dangers inherent in leaving large numbers of young people with no binding religious framework outweigh the health risks in keeping these institutions open

This article presents the main milestones in the recurring attempts to put a satisfactory arrangement for the deferment of military service for yeshiva students in place. In doing so, it surfaces the changes that have occurred over time in the constitutional, legal, and public responses and attitudes on this issue.

The fifth out of five chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

For many American Jews, identification with the State of Israel is a significant component of their Jewish identity.

Monthly survey also finds that 84.5% of Israeli public defines mood as good or very good while 43% expresses trust in Prime Minister Netanyahu.

With 50% of young Haredi men expected to enter the labor market actually those with poorer skills and abilities, there is an urgent need for an in-depth rethinking about Haredi education. 

To encourage enlistment, Israel should adopt a conscription model that is cognizant of the ultra-Orthodox fear of erosion of their identity and employs both positive and negative economic incentives.

The implications of the Supreme Court's ruling go far beyond the Kashrut market.

IDI responds to high court ruling: “The time has come for our politicians to demonstrate leadership and work to enact a more equitable and effective arrangement.”

Army service is an extremely powerful “employment engine” for most ultra-Orthodox men whose religious education does not provide them with the general background or professional training necessary for joining the work force outside the ultra-Orthodox sector.

The State of Israel needs to come up with appropriate living solutions for the ultra-Orthodox, whose numbers are expected to increase significantly.  

Instead of Judaism being what unites Jews in Israel with Jews around the world, our religion has become the main source of conflict.

The percentage of ultra-Orthodox men who work stagnated in 2016 for the first time after a consistent upturn over the past several years, according to a new report by the Central Bureau of Statistics.

A summary of the legal situation in Israel regarding Shabbat observance.

Dr. Shuki Friedman responds to the Supreme Court discussion Tuesday on the Chief Rabbinate’s monopoly on kosher certification.

“The time has come to re-raise the issue of the status quo and write new legislation that will be accepted by the majority of Israelis," said Friedman.