The Two Coalitions Israel Needs Now

It is increasingly clear that Israel’s future depends on the forging of two coalitions. One is a multinational alliance determined to turn the Palestinian issue from a driver of conflict into an engine of peace. The other, is an internal Israeli coalition ready to pursue a series of bold social, economic, and political reforms.

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Israel recently marked one year since the horrific Hamas attack on October 7. A year in which the Islamic Republic of Iran surrounded Israel with a ring of fire on seven fronts. A year in which Israel, with bipartisan American backing, began a forceful counterattack against the dystopian armies of Jihad.

It is increasingly clear that Israel’s future—and the fate of the region as a whole—depends on the forging of two coalitions. One is a multinational alliance determined to take on the regime in Iran and turn the Palestinian issue from a driver of conflict into an engine of peace. The other, is an internal Israeli coalition ready to pursue a series of bold social, economic, and political reforms, that will ensure Israel emerges stronger from this ordeal and remains a reliable ally for the United States in meeting the challenges emanating from the Middle East and beyond.   

A first and essential point of departure must be an understanding that Israel cannot confront Iran and its many proxies alone. Only a strong partnership with the US and the moderate Arab regimes of the region, especially Saudi Arabia, gives Israel a chance of escaping the ring of fire. Despite impressive military successes in recent weeks, isolation and unilateralism are not viable options from a military or diplomatic standpoint in the long term. Iran’s brazen missile attacks of October 1^st offer the latest proof that the challenges posed by Iran’s axis of terror can only be met with a Western-Sunni alliance willing to confront, and defeat, it.

Second, Israel cannot rebuild Gaza alone. In light of the recent tragic events of October 7th, a majority of Israelis are not open to relinquish its security leverage by accepting the establishment of a Palestinian state. But what does need to be decided soon is the political future of Gaza. Tragically, Gaza lies in ruins. While the 2005 disengagement provided the Palestinians with a historic possibility to establish “Singapore on the Mediterranean,” they squandered the opportunity and created terrorist mini-state that has just destabilized the entire Middle East. Paradoxically, the destruction of the last year gives Gaza a second chance.

But this time, we need to get it right. We certainly cannot leave a power vacuum, where terrorists can again take hold. This is where the Western-Sunni alliance must step in. Such a partnership—with all that it brings in terms of financial, military, educational and state-building capacity—provides the key to establishing governance, law and order in Gaza and raising a new generation of deradicalized Palestinians committed to improving their own future rather than destroying Israel. Crucially, Saudi Arabia appears determined to pursue the path of normalization despite the upheavals of the past year. Israel should seize the opportunity with both hands.

But an external coalition is not sufficient on its own.  A weak, impoverished and illiberal Israel will be far less attractive as an ally to the Saudis or to the United States, nor will it continue to have the strength to project force in the coming years. This is why an internal coalition, encompassing Israelis from across the political spectrum, is necessary to make the top postwar priority a series of domestic political and economic reforms designed to set the Jewish state on the right path. The success of these reforms will be very much dependent on an end to the bitter culture wars and partisan squabbles—accelerated by the misguided attempt at judicial overhaul—that projected weakness and invited aggression on October 7th.

The attempted overhaul was made possible by Israel's weak democratic institutions and the absence of an agreed constitutional framework. Thus, the coalition’s first step must be to propose and lead meaningful constitutional reforms designed to stabilize our governing institutions. There is already broad agreement by the Israeli public for constitutional reforms based on the values of our Declaration of Independence—that would entrench not only key rights of citizens, but also checks, balances, limits, and authorities for each of Israel's branches of government.

Israel must also take urgent steps to shore up its weakening economy. The recent downgrades of Israel’s credit rating have much to do with the massive expenditures associated with the war, but the government is capable of mitigating the damage. This will take courage, as the steps required entail such measures as slashing a bloated government apparatus that includes over thirty government ministers and doing away with wasteful pork funds that serve narrow political interests rather than the public good.

Finally, reform is desperately needed to address challenges of low employment and military service among ultra-Orthodox men in Israel. Such characteristics of a rapidly growing population group leaves Israel's defense establishment vulnerable in two key ways. First, there is deep concern among economists and security experts alike that this untapped potential stream of tax revenue, along with other economic challenges, will leave Israel with insufficient funds to sustain the new military conception needed post-October 7.

Second, while official assessments indicate the military needs some 7,000-10,000 additional troops moving forward in the war, a cohort of more than 60,000 eligible ultra-Orthodox men are dodging military service. The moment is now for our leaders to ensure all populations of Israel bear the responsibilities of citizenship and share in the burden of service to this country.

As we mark one year of war, the immensity of the challenges before us requires the formation of grand external and internal alliances that can launch Israel and the region on a new path of stability and prosperity. Now is the time for Israel’s leaders, together with our partners around the world, to build the coalitions that will secure our country’s future and allow it to be the leader force that ushers in a new paradigm of regional stability.

 

The column was published in the Times of Israel.