ultra-Orthodox/Haredi

It is increasingly clear that Israel’s future depends on the forging of two coalitions. One is a multinational alliance determined to turn the Palestinian issue from a driver of conflict into an engine of peace. The other, is an internal Israeli coalition ready to pursue a series of bold social, economic, and political reforms.

On Monday August 5, 2024 and Tuesday August 6, 2024—900 ultra-Orthodox yeshiva students were required to present themselves at IDF enlistment centers. Shlomit Ravitsky Tur-Paz, Dr. Eran Shamir-Borer and Mirit Lavi explain the next steps the IDF will need to take in order to enforce the legal obligation of conscription. 

As the IDF issues the first batches of draft orders for ultra-Orthodox men, the following outlines the challenges, opportunities and objectives of an amended conscription law. 

The IDF should do what it can to ease the transition of Haredim from the social frameworks in which they have grown up and been educated into the military, but it is also important for new conscripts to understand that the rules cannot be changed according to the preferences of every single soldier or group.

This study describes the employment trends among men registered in ultra-Orthodox yeshivas between the ages of 18-25. The findings are based on a reported work, or "legal work," so it is very likely that this is an underestimation of reality. 

"It's a matter of a change in the trajectory," says Yohanan Plesner, president of IDI following the Israeli Supreme Court ruling on the issue of ultra-Orthodox conscription.

"Basically we've entered into a new unknown terrain," says IDI President Yohanan Plesner.

Dr. Ariel Finkelstein warns that the proposed new "Rabbis Law" would weaken the standing of local communities, could lead to cronyism, reduce women's representation and more. 

Yohanan Plesner, President of IDI lays out the basic principles for a fair draft law.

What are the economic impacts of the Haredi blanket exemption and how would drafting the ultra-Orthodox benefit Israeli society and economy?

The discussion in the Supreme Court yesterday was not about whether a law exempting yeshiva students harms the principle of equality. It was about a much more basic question: is the State of Israel acting in accordance with the principle of the rule of law—that is, can yeshiva students be exempted from enlisting in the IDF, when there is no law allowing for this.

Israel's Supreme Court convened to hear arguments on the issue of drafting ultra-Orthodox yeshiva students who no longer are exempt from military service, and the legality of providing funding for yeshivas that enroll them as long as no new law has been legislated on this issue.

When did the ultra-Orthodox first receive an exemption from military service? How have Haredi demographics influenced this issue?

This is a timeline of the central milestones affecting the issue of Haredi conscription. 

The proposed law ignores the dramatic change in Israel's security situation since October 7 and does not address the need for more combat soldiers, nor does it respect the burden on the populations that already serve.

This study was designed to assess the level of satisfaction among students in higher yeshivot (ages 17 and above), their personal and social challenges, and their attitudes toward possible alternatives to yeshiva studies, such as vocational training and employment.

Dr. Rivka Neriya-Ben Shahar proposes a model that resembles the secular educational system of colleges and universities to identify the most gifted torah scholars, who would receive a generous stipend. Others must rethink their role as part of Israeli society.

First chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Second chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Third chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fourth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fifth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Sixth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

This explainer will cover the current structure of the Haredi education system, its pedagogical requirements and the budgets it receives from the Government.

The current model of the yeshiva and kollel world, in which all men are channelled for long years of study serves the goal of keeping young ultra-Orthodox men off the secular street. Paradoxically, the main victim is the Torah world itself.

How would different tracks of enlistment change the longstanding Israeli ethos of service and sacrifice for the state and society?

The ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) Conscription bill, if passed into law, would in effect, allow Haredi men to totally avoid military service.

For years, ultra-Orthodox leadership has been protesting that the internet will bring rack and ruin on the entire community and on individual users, however, the internet and especially the social networks, play a major role in the internal reforms that the ultra-Orthodox must introduce.

The deep fear expressed by the leadership of Israelis haredim is not of external criticism, but of an internal blurring of identity and straying from the path.

The law for “adequate and appropriate representation” that is progressing along the Knesset legislative path is neither just, nor fair; it is neither wise nor ethical. And above all, it is not ultra-Orthodox.

Sixth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

First chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Second chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Third chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fourth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fifth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

A new IDI study finds that 26% of ultra-Orthodox men say they don’t know English at all and an additional 28% say their English is "poor."

Finance Minister Liberman’s employment incentives for members of the ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) community are a "mix of ‘carrots’ and ‘sticks’ and could encourage members of the Haredi community to join the labor market - however elements of the plan could also expand the existing trend of part-time employment.

Ultra-Orthodox Jews now make up 13% of Israelis, and are continuing to grow rapidly. In 2020, the pandemic led to an increase in the number of applicants for professional and academic training, especially among ultra-Orthodox men

Despite public criticism, two thirds of ultra-Orthodox Israelis are now online

Third chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fourth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fifth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Sixth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

First chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Growing willingness to report sexual abuse in ultra-Orthodox society: The last two decades have seen a dramatic rise in the number of cases of sexual abuse or violence against children treated by social service agencies in ultra-Orthodox local authorities, where today- the rate of abuse is higher than in other local authorities

Even if we accept the argument that lowering the exemption age exacerbates existing discrimination, we should still assess the proportionality of this harm. Basic rights such as equality are not absolute, and are sometimes subject to restrictions in the face of a pressing public interest.

Congratulations to the Bennett government on approving the outline for lowering the age of the students exempted from service in the IDF to 21. This is a vital and necessary step that the Israel Democracy Institute has recommended in recent years. A kind of necessary evil that will lead in the short term to the entry of about 5,000 ultra-Orthodox into the labor market and thousands more in the coming years.

Survey finds lowering the exemption age is not likely to reduce the number of ultra-Orthodox conscripts to the IDF, however it will encourage thousands of ultra-Orthodox men to enter the workforce.

Second chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

First chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Second chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Third chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fourth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fifth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Sixth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

62% of Haredim have very little or no confidence in Prime Minister Netanyahu's Handling of COVID-19; 60% think decision makers are guided mostly or only by political concerns

This study provides first-ever reliable estimate of the rate and scope of transitions into and out of the ultra-Orthodox community; an analysis made possible thanks to innovative methodology and a rich dataset. 

In the second wave of the pandemic it seems that many ultra-Orthodox rabbis are assigning higher priority to 'customer retention' than to the clear halakhic imperative to preserve health and life

Rabbi Kanievsky’s decision to disregard the law and open ultra-Orthodox schools is the first time in Israeli history that we are seeing something that approaches a call for mass civil disobedience orchestrated by a key public figure.

How does Israel’s national-ultra-Orthodox population (“Hardalim”) combine ideals of the "new Jew" with their ultra-Orthodox religious world view?

The handwriting was on the wall. Since the founding of the State, rabbis have served as middlemen between the government and the ultra-Orthodox. We must acknowledge that this approach has failed miserably.

The coronavirus crisis proves once again that the lives of all Israelis are intertwined with those of the ultra-Orthodox and the country cannot be sustained with an autonomy living behind closed walls. Without shared responsibility for public health - 'normal life' will not be possible the post-COVID-19 era

Israeli secularism has largely abandoned the ideal of the “new Jew” in recent decades, but religious Zionism has remained fervently loyal to it

Dr. Gilad Malach, Director of IDI's Ultra-Orthodox in Israel program on MK Ya'acov Litzman's resignation from the Cabinet: "Indicative of a very strong sentiment among the ultra-Orthodox community where there is currently a high level of distrust of government policies." 

Ultra-Orthodox communities have been very critical of their political leaders for not advocating vigorously enough on their behalf at the beginning of the COVID crisis. Now, the ultra-Orthodox parties are at the forefront of the contentious demand to permit mass travel to Uman.

Subsidizing cheap old apartments in poor towns won't solve the housing shortage for the ultra-Orthodox, but it will destroy those towns' social fabric

In wake of the coronavirus pandemic, IDI experts present a status report on the current state of Israel's ultra-Orthodox community as well as policy recommendations for how to better integrate them into Israeli society

More than half of Israelis think a second wave is a matter of time and 39% think that the return to normalcy is too fast

The corona crisis has had serious economic repercussions for many households, including for members of Israel's ultra-Orthodox community. Survey findings indicate that while most of the ultra-Orthodox plan to cut back on their current expenditures, there are also quite a few households in which one of the spouses plans on increasing the scope of his or her employment, and in about one-fifth of the households- one of the spouses who has not previously worked, intends to now join the workforce.

Special IDI Independence Day survey 92.5% of Jewish-Israelis and 77% of Arab-Israelis feel a part of Israel and its problems.

In recent years, many comparisons have been made between two communities in Israel - the ultra-Orthodox and Arab Israelis. The coronavirus crisis has brought previously held assumptions into question.

The tragic results of initial faulty advice from leading rabbis is a wake-up call to Haredi Jews to start making their own decisions.

Dr. Gilad Malach held a press briefing focused on the coronavirus’ effect on the ultra-Orthodox in Israel and what might be the long term implications for employment, use of technology and the attitude towards official state authorities in this often isolated community.

How can we curb the spread of the coronavirus in the ultra-Orthodox community in Israel? IDI experts explain

A proposal by the panel appointed to investigate ultra-Orthodox enlistment to lower the exemption age defies multiple High Court rulings

After years of struggles over issues related to religion and state, we hereby agree to adopt a new approach, which will create a covenant to provide a new system of arrangements and agreements to strengthen the link between the Israeli public and the Jewish identity of the State of Israel.

Third chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fourth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fifth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Sixth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

First chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Second chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Israel's once sacrosanct status quo seems less relevant than ever, with the essence of what it means to be a Jewish state in flux and at stake.

"More Yeshiva students" and "Haredi women are driving growth" - are just some of the highlights of the new report.

The 2019 Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel provides both a snapshot of the ultra-Orthodox in Israel today and an analysis of trends characterizing this community in recent decades, in key areas such as demography, education, employment, and use of leisure time.

What really lies behind the most recent rabbinical directive on modesty in the IDF - and how does it pits religious soldiers against IDF's core values to the extent of risking insubordination. 

The tension between the "military service for all" and "exemption for all" represents the tradeoff between the quest for equality and the existing political-social reality.

The results speak for themselves. Shas, headed by Arye Deri, registered a resounding success with traditional voters. But is this a long term victory?

In light of their demographic growth, the ultra-Orthodox community in Israel have to attempt to become part of in the broader Israeli society.

Even though most Israelis support opening businesses & public transportation on Shabbat issues of religion and state will not decide the September elections

Despite the fact that the State of Israel and its central institutions are essentially secular and reflect a Zionist self-image, according to data from the 2016 Democracy Index only two-thirds (64%) of ultra-Orthodox Israelis report having a strong sense of belonging to the state. 

How do young ultra-Orthodox couples cope with the housing crisis? The most recent figures on home-buying point to a change of the trend in the ultra-Orthodox internal migration. This change poses a challenge, but also an opportunity. How should the state respond?

Israel’s ultra-Orthodox sector is less homogeneous than most assume.

What is Wrong with the National Civic Service program for the Ultra-Orthodox and How to Reform It?

Among the many surprises of last week’s election was the impressive performance by the ultra-Orthodox parties – how can we explain this dizzying success?

For many years the ultra-Orthodox were perceived as “captive voters” who would always comply with their rabbis’ instructions to cast their ballot for ultra-Orthodox parties. In today’s new reality such directives are no longer enough

The current Knesset undermined policies that promote the integration that is key to ultra-Orthodox well-being; the next Knesset has the capacity to reverse the trend

Gilad Malach of the Israel Democracy Institute gives the latest electoral trends among Israel’s insular ultra-orthodox Jewish community. Why is a small community so divided, and why are growing numbers of ultra-Orthodox voters leaving the Haredi parties altogether?

In a conversation with Fathom Deputy Editor Calev Ben-Dor, Malach discusses the recent changes that have taken place in ultra-Orthodox society, voting trends within the ‘sector’, and how the onset of technology is affecting voting patterns

The third out of six chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

The fourth out of six chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

The fifth out of six chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

What is the secret behind the power of the ultra-Orthodox political parties in Israel and how has it changed over the years? The article presents an overview of the development of the ultra-Orthodox political parties in Israel from the establishment of the State as well as insights as to future developments.

As election season heats up, Tipping Point host Dr. Gilad Malach of the Israel Democracy Institute and Rabbi Yehoshua Pfeffer to understand how Haredi parties became kingmakers in Israeli politics, why recent polls show a decline in their power and whether there is a chance that Shas and United Torah Judaism will join forces in the current campaign.

Even though military service seems to be one of the most blatant threats to the ultra-Orthodox lifestyle, it has become a rather attractive channel for broad segments of the community.

The majority of Israelis think that Trump’s decision to withdraw from Syria harms Israel’s security and want a right or center-right government. Read more in the latest Peace Index. 

More and more ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) Israelis are enlisting in the IDF, driven by personal, financial, and professional motives, with military service seen as an “entrance ticket” to Israeli society and to the labor market. But military service also introduces them to the shared components of identity and citizenship linking them to the state and its values, and enabling them to identify with others, from outside their community.

Dr. Gilad Malach, head of the ultra-Orthodox research program at the Israel Democracy Institute, discusses the findings of the 2018 statistical report on the ultra-Orthodox society in Israel

IDI’s 2018 report on ultra-Orthodox society is out - shedding light on changing trends in population, education, employment, and leisure in the ultra-Orthodox community in Israel.

How despicable is a mob that calls for non-partisanship but is unwilling to listen to a voice that speaks for a majority of Israelis today?

In an op-ed for the Jerusalem Post, Dr. Shuki Friedman, Head of IDI's Center for Religion, Nation and State, explains how local government plays a critical role in balancing religion and state in day-to-day life in Israel.

Guaranteeing an independent Supreme Court. Integrating the Ultra-Orthodox into the IDF. Boosting participation of Arab women in the workforce. Improving the ease of doing business in Israel. These are some of the challenges facing IDI’s new cadre of program and center directors.

Majority support for drafting young ultra-Orthodox into the army goes as far back as 1991. There have been small fluctuations, but consistently --at least 2/3 (65%) of the Israeli public has supported drafting yeshiva students or young ultra-Orthodox into the IDF.

- “The decision is questionable. If the government is really interested in avoiding desecration of the Sabbath, and in ensuring a day of rest, it should focus its energy on stopping the illegal work currently being performed on the Sabbath, which according to reports by the Ministry of Industry, Trade and Labor, is rarely done.

Now is the time to rise above petty politics and pass a draft law that will uphold the principle of civic equality in Israel.

Israel's secular elite has lost its enthusiasm for combat service and now targets intelligence units, such as Unit 8200.

IDI puts forth analysis of why the proposed conscription plan for the ultra-Orthodox is problematic and offers an alternative approach

Yohanan Plesner discusses with Tipping Point the "People's Army". Can a compromise be reached and is "sharing the burden" of military service a realistic goal? 

Leading public figures avoid dealing with issues that are of national importance when it entails confronting the ultra-Orthodox community.

The monthly Peace Index of the Israel Democracy Institute and Tel Aviv University, published today, finds that most Israelis think that Trump’s peace plan won’t gain traction and that the IDF should directly target ‘terror kite’ assailants.

Though many ultra-Orthodox politicians expressed outrage at the original publishing of this new bill, some view the proposal as a double achievement.

The Minister of Finance has invested tremendous resources in meeting the needs of the Israeli middle class. However, even with these efforts, the minister has failed to address the ultra-Orthodox’s needs — a mistake that has contributed to an acute housing crisis for this sector of Israeli society.

Yohanan Plesner, President of the Israel Democracy Institute cautions that the Ministry of Defense’s proposed draft bill “endangers IDF’s model of service as a “People's Army” based on the principle of mandatory service for all

Featuring two book launches: “Haredim A Guide to their Beliefs and Sectors” and “A Flock with No Shepherd: Shas Leadership the Day after Rabbi Ovadia Yosef”

No matter when they take place, the upcoming elections will have a decisive impact on the identity of the state if decision-makers and the general public continue to follow the ultra-Orthodox lead

The absolute exclusion of women from ultra-Orthodox parties keeps their specific interests from being addressed effectively in the public sphere.

The first out of five chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

The second out of five chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

The third out of five chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

Ultra-Orthodox society is moving toward a more Israeli, more modern future, while also maintaining its unique characteristics. 

For the first time since 2013- a decline in the number of ultra-Orthodox men in the workforce

For the ultra-Orthodox sector and for us as a society, justice is not charity.

Stereotypes—both positive and negative—are an obstacle to the development of a genuine partnership between the ultra-Orthodox and the rest of Israeli society. The Haredim are Israel's biggest sociological mystery. We must learn the facts rather than engaging in speculation. 

Are women leading the change in ultra-Orthodox society or are they preserving their unique way of life? Learn more about the tension between the possibilities that the modern world offers ultra-Orthodox women and the many complex challenges facing them. 

How many ultra-Orthodox live in Israel today? How many will watch this clip on the internet? How are ultra-Orthodox women transforming their community? How many are employed? What age to they get married?

Israel Democracy Institute and the Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research published today the 2017 Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel. The report presents trends in population, education, employment, and leisure in the ultra-Orthodox sector in Israel.

Growing numbers of ultra-Orthodox women postponing marriage to pursue a career path, new study finds.

In 2017, we have to ask: Who is ultra-Orthodox? What are the boundaries of ultra-Orthodox society? What are the boundaries of ultra-Orthodox identity within the Israeli sphere?

Finance Minister Moshe Kahlon’s Net Family Plan could give a boost to the haredi middle class, which has been developing over the last several years, by increasing the incentive for haredim to seek a higher education and for both parents to work.

Haredim and Arabs must be integrated into society and economy to take the start-up nation to the next level.

New statistics shed light on a population that was once hidden behind "walls of holiness." Today, those walls are beginning to break.

The fourth out of five chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

Israel needs to abandon the vindictive approach of trying to reform ultra-Orthodox society through force and budget cuts, and rather start investing heavily in education and job creation in the ultra-Orthodox sector. This op-ed was first published in the New York Jewish Week.

The Israel Democracy Institute’s Dr. Gilad Malach, head of the program on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel, today came out against a decision made by Interior Minister Aryeh Deri in coordination with the Civil Service Commission to recognize Rabbinical studies as an academic degree in order to allow Haredim to participate in local tenders.

The inflammatory statements made about Reform Judaism at the recent First Zion and Jerusalem Conference are not merely old rhetoric, but rather a national ultra-Orthodox (Hardal) declaration of a holy war against the spread of pluralistic Judaism in Israel.

In advance of Wednesday’s discussion in the Knesset Interior and Environment Committee on the Mikveh Bill, the head of IDI’s Religion and State program, Yair Sheleg, sent a policy paper to committee MKs asking them to vote against the bill. He said the bill unacceptably discriminates, something which is known to its sponsors and clear in the bill’s explanatory notes. The legislation was presented by its sponsors in reaction to a Supreme Court ruling that public ritual baths could be used by the wider public, including for non-Orthodox conversions.

The relationship between religion and state in Israel is stormy. Lately, it seems the ultra-Orthodox have launched a new offensive on several fronts. This op-ed was originally published by JNS.org.

No aspect of the current Western Wall plaza arrangement, in which the Orthodox maintain a monopoly, will change if other denominations are allowed to pray at the foot of the Temple Mount in a new plaza. This article was first published by The Jerusalem Post.

The project was done in collaboration with Kemach Institute and the JDC Haredi Employment Program

IDI President Yohanan Plesner responds to a report composed today by an inter-ministerial team led by Defense Ministry Director-General Maj.-Gen. (Res.) Dan Harel suggesting that the government examine the possibility of offering discount prices on homes for members of the Haredi public who serve in the security forces.

Earlier this month, change snuck in through the back door of Israel's court system when Israel’s first ultra-Orthodox judge was appointed. This article was first published by the Jewish Press.

Following today's advancement of the Mikveh Bill by the Knesset Plenum, IDI President Yohanan Plesner said, "The Mikveh Bill is not worthy of being included in the laws of Israel."

At roundtable event, government officials and researchers say time to move dialogue from quantity of Haredim in the workforce to the quality of their jobs.

The desired result could have been achieved quietly and efficiently had the Knesset adopted a rational arrangement that would encourage military service through positive and negative economic incentives. (This article was originally published in the Jewish Journal of LA.)

Dr. Gilad Malach, who heads IDI's research program on the ultra-Orthodox community in Israel, discusses the barriers that weigh down attempts to increase the employment rate in the Haredi community and suggests possible solutions.

Prof. Yedidia Stern analyzes the problems with past proposals to integrate the ultra-Orthodox sector into the IDF, and proposes a new solution.

In an op-ed in Ynet News, IDI researcher Dr. Haim Zicherman discusses the steps that Israeli society must take in order to enable ultra-Orthodox men to integrate into the Israeli army and workforce.

To facilitate the entry of haredim into academia and the workforce, the state and private industry have invested hundreds of millions of shekels in recent years to create ultra-Orthodox frameworks to support individuals who are looking for academic education and employment while also remaining loyal to their cultural mores. As a result, nearly 80 percent of ultra-Orthodox women are now employed, on par with secular Jewish Israeli women.

As the Knesset prepares to vote on the "Draft Law" designed to regulate the service of ultra-Orthodox men in the Israel Defense Forces, Dr. Haim Zicherman surveys the current situation within Israel's Haredi community.

Do students in the religious Zionist hesder yeshivot really contribute less to the IDF than other men who serve? IDI Researcher Dr. Benny Porat does the math and comes to an interesting conclusion.

As the Shaked Committee begins to vote on its proposal for the Haredi draft, Prof. Yedidia Z. Stern warns that the proposal's recommendation to exempt Haredi men of draft age during a three-year "adjustment period" is both inequitable and ineffective. 

In honor of International Day for Persons with Disabilities, Rabbi Dr. Benjamin (Benny) Lau updates us on IDI's efforts on behalf of people with disabilities and reveals that people with guide dogs are now allowed to access the Western Wall.

On November 21 2013, Prof. Yedidia Z. Stern appeared before the Shaked Committee and argued that criminal sanctions are not recommended for reaching conscription goals. In an op-ed in Makor Rishon, he explains why.

Prof. Yedidia Stern shares thoughts on the connection between failure of the ultra-Orthodox "Tov" party in the local elections, the Haredi draft bill being debated by the Shaked Committee, and Newton's laws of motion.

A series of Hebrew videos on the historical processes behind the development of the role of ultra-Orthodox women in the family and society, which were developed as part of IDI's research projects on the Nation State and on the Integration of Haredim in Israeli Society.

Prof. Yedidia Z. Stern shares thoughts on the Hebrew calendar, which contributes to Jewish unity and preserves the Jewish people as a single national and cultural unit.  

Is it possible to draft the ultra-Orthodox and integrate them into Israel's society and economy in a mutually-agreeable manner that encourages solidarity between the different sectors of the Jewish people? Prof. Yedidia Z. Stern shares thoughts on wars between brothers and brothers-in-arms.

Prof. Yedidia Z. Stern and Attorney Haim Zicherman stress the need to break down barriers that are preventing Haredi service in the army and integration in the labor force, and warn against passing a popular but ill-advised reform. 

IDI researcher Attorney Haim Zicherman warns against attempts to integrate ultra-Orthodox Jews into the army by encouraging them to abandon their lifestyle, and calls for developing mechanisms that will accept and respect their values. 

IDI Vice President of Research Prof. Yedidia Stern warns that the hasty passage of the proposed government bill on the Haredi draft would be "old politics," and stresses the importance of a Knesset debate to arrive at balanced legislation that is in line with the national interest. 

IDI Vice President of Research Prof. Yedidia Stern warns that the Peri Committee recommendations on the ultra-Orthodox draft will undo progress already made in integrating Israel's Haredi community into Israeli society.

IDI's Prof. Mordechai Kremnitzer critiques various aspects of the proposals for integrating the ultra-Orthodox into the army and calls on the Israeli public to stand firm on its demand for an arrangement that is fair and equitable.

Prof. Yedidia Stern calls for a historic alliance between religious and secular moderates that will yield a solution that will  that will yield a solution that addresses the need for ultra-Orthodox army service while taking into account the most important values of the Haredi community.

The need for the ultra-Orthodox community in Israel to share the burden of military service and participate equally in the Israeli economy was a central issue in the 2013 elections. IDI researcher Dr. Benny Porat shares his thoughts on how to bring about this change in the Haredi community.

IDI researcher Dr. Benjamin Brown discusses the sense of attack experienced by the Haredi community in the 2013 election campaign and calls for a process of gradual change in integrating the ultra-Orthodox in the Israeli army and workforce.

Following the elections of 2013, IDI Vice President Prof. Yedidia Z. Stern hails the incoming Knesset as a unique opportunity to change the nature of the State of Israel so that it is both more Jewish and more democratic at the same time. 

An analysis of Israeli public opinion on the issue of drafting ultra-Orthodox yeshiva students, as revealed in polls conducted by IDI's Guttman Center for Surveys from 1986 through 2009.

In an op-ed in The Jerusalem Post, IDI's Prof. Yedidia Stern, who served on the Plesner Committee for Equality in National Service, and Mr. Jay Ruderman analyze the Haredi community's reluctance to serve in the Israeli army and present an approach that will facilitate Haredi integration into Israel's army and society.

Will the High Court of Justice’s refusal to extend the Tal Law indeed reduce the inequality of burden sharing in Israeli society? IDI Senior Fellow Prof. Momi Dahan does not think so, and argues that ultra-Orthodox Jews in Israel should be exempted from the army and allowed to work, so as to assume their fair share of the tax burden.

Following the dissolution of the Committee to Advance Equality in Sharing the Burden, committee head MK Yohanan Plesner submitted proposals for alternatives to the Tal Law. In this article, IDI Researcher Attorney Haim Zicherman, who served as the content coordinator of the Plesner Committee, warns that some of those measures were personal recommendations rather than recommendations of the Committee, and may reverse trends of increasing army service by ultra-Orthodox Jews.

Prof. Mordechai Kremnitzer presents a contrasting view to Prof. Yedidia Stern's assertion that the Israeli Supreme Court's ruling on the exemption of ultra-Orthodox men from military service in Israel is "<a href="http://en.idi.org.il/analysis/articles/judicial-activism-at-its-height">Judicial Activism at its Height</a>." 

The Supreme Court's decision to strike down the Tal Law, after 30 years of avoiding the issue of the exemption of ultra-Orthodox Jews from military service, is an expression of judicial activism that illustrates the transformation that the Israeli Supreme Court has undergone in the last generation. In this op-ed, originally published in Hebrew in <em>Makor Rishon</em>, IDI Vice President Prof. Yedidia Stern asserts that the Court went too far in this ruling and that its activism is hard to justify.

In this response to the Supreme Court ruling on the Tal Law, IDI Senior Researcher Yair Sheleg asserts that the exemption of ultra-Orthodox men from military service is an unparalleled <em>Hillul Hashem</em>—a desecration of the Name of God, and shares his views of a possible solution.

IDI Vice President of Research Prof. Yedidia Stern sets the  controversy over mass transportation on Shabbat and holidays in Israel in a broader context, and distinguished between the need for an Israeli-Jewish Shabbat (Sabbath) rather than a religious Shabbat.

Will the Israeli Supreme Court's ruling that the Tal Law is unconstitutional really guarantee that the burden of Israel's defense will be shared equally by the country's citizens? IDI's Prof. Yedidia Stern warns that this ruling may actually hinder the integration of the Haredi community into Israeli society rather than promoting it.

In an op-ed in Israel Hayom, IDI researcher Adv. Haim Zicherman argues that a temporary extension of the Tal Law would help the growing trend of ultra-Orthodox enlistment in the IDF and would enable volunteering for civilian service to continue.

Israeli society has seen a recent push to exclude women from the public sphere. In this blog entry, translated from the Hebrew, IDI Senior Researcher Yair Sheleg, argues against the recent turn toward extremism, calling on Israelis from all camps to respond to these developments responsibly.

The issue of the exclusion of women and their marginalization in Israeli society has dominated the media in Israel during the past few weeks. In this article, which was originally published in The Seventh Eye on December 25, 2011, Dr. Debora Lederman-Danieli argues that the media's struggle against the phenomenon of the degradation of women requires much more than disingenuous, populist outcries.

Why is the marginalization of women in Israeli society and their exclusion from the public sphere on the rise in Israeli society? In this op-ed, IDI Vice President of Research Prof. Yedidia Stern focuses on the religious Zionist community and the power struggle to determine who will control the public sphere and the space of the religious community.

In honor of International Democracy Day, the IDI Hebrew website interviewed Dr. Hannah Kehat, founder of the Religious Women's Forum Kolech, on the status of women in Israel today.

In this op-ed from Haaretz, IDI Research Fellow Yair Sheleg decries the ultra-Orthodox refusal to alter standards for conversion to Judaism in recognition of the fact that for many Israelis, Jewish identity is not only an expression of religious observance but also of identification with Zionism and Jewish culture. He warns that the ultra-Orthodox approach is causing serious injustice to thousands of people who wish to live as Jews and raise Jewish children in Israel.

The "Rabbis' Letter" signed by dozens of community rabbis in Israel in December 2010 asserts that Jewish law forbids the rental and sale of homes in Israel to non-Jews. Is renting property to non-Jews indeed forbidden by Jewish law? IDI Researcher Dr. Eliezer Hadad surveys opinions by contemporary rabbis who adopted a universalistic approach and found a halakhic basis for the equal rights mandated by both international norms and the Israeli Declaration of Independence.

In an op-ed in Yedioth Ahronoth, Prof. Yedidia Stern points to segments of Israel's population that denounce the national values of the State: supporters of “normalization,” ultra-Orthodox Jews, Arab Israelis, and a new group that has joined them: ultra-nationalists.

IDI Research Fellow Mr. Yair Sheleg highlights growing individualism within both the religious and secular Jewish populations in Israel and takes note of growing rifts between the two communities, in an article that was published at the end of the third millennium as part of a collaboration between IDI and Walla!, a popular Israeli website.

The government and the coalition have been given a second chance – which has come at a heavy price of blood and suffering – to turn this crisis into an opportunity and set the foundations for a new social covenant among Israelis.

Notwithstanding the drama related to the question of whether the ultra-Orthodox Ashkenazi parties will continue to run together in the current election, there are voices within these communities that might render this arrangement unacceptable in the near future.

125 years ago, Herzl failed to convince ultra-Orthodox leadership to join the Zionist movement, and while their leadership did sign the Declaration of Independence in 1948, they Haredim remained in their “enclave” communities. Now, if modern-day Israel is to continue to thrive, integration of the ultra-Orthodox is crucial

The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly increased school dropout rates due to its exacerbation of the already emotional, social, and academic crises affecting multiple age and population groups.

Dr. Gilad Malach, Director of the Ultra-Orthodox in Israel Program at the Israel Democracy Institute, discusses how the COVID pandemic has affected the internal dynamics of Israel's Haredi communities, their relationship with their political leadership and with government as a whole.

For many, the spiritual and educational dangers inherent in leaving large numbers of young people with no binding religious framework outweigh the health risks in keeping these institutions open

The cause for the past year's political crisis lie in the ever-widening gap between the two main pillars of the State of Israel’s identity—its “Jewish” and “democratic” components.

Calls for applying "Torah Law"in Israel lay bare the the much larger problem posed by the substantial clash of the world of Halacha with two fundamental principles of the modern liberal world: individual freedom and equal rights

Tomorrow's elections will determine the local government in 251 cities, towns and municipalities. Of all the political parties represented at a national level in Israel, the ultra-Orthodox parties are the most successful in local government. What are the reasons behind this interesting trend? Read Dr. Gilad Malach's fascinating findings.

This article presents the main milestones in the recurring attempts to put a satisfactory arrangement for the deferment of military service for yeshiva students in place. In doing so, it surfaces the changes that have occurred over time in the constitutional, legal, and public responses and attitudes on this issue.

The fifth out of five chapters of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel

Is our country and society doomed to continually follow the same path of repeated crisis, or has the time finally come for us to plot a new course?

The percentage of ultra-Orthodox men who work stagnated in 2016 for the first time after a consistent upturn over the past several years, according to a new report by the Central Bureau of Statistics.