Eliyahu Berkovits

Just like the stories of Joseph and his brothers, the Hasmonean struggle revolves around the question of fraternity among siblings—a question that today challenges the modern Jewish kingdom – The State of Israel.

The heroic stories of battle alongside the volunteer spirit that swept the entire nation have shaken the dichotomies nurtured by the Haredi society for years.

Internal struggles between factions within the Sepharadic ultra-religious movement Shas are only beginning. The absence of the unifying figure of Rabbi Ovadia Yosef is still sorely felt, and only time will tell whether the rabbinical elite or the Knesset members representing a moderate electorate will gain the upper hand.

Recently, a new answer to the dilemma of the 'modern Haredi' has been advanced enthusiastically by Rabbi David Leibel, one that maintains religiosity while increasing civic participation in the economy and in defense of Israel. 

A growing number of Haredi men are volunteering for the IDF following the outbreak of the war against Hamas. This trend may signify that the “modern Haredi” phenomenon may be developing into a real movement.  

In recent weeks it seems that something notable is happening in the Israeli haredi, or ultra-Orthodox, community when it comes to teaching math, English and science in schools almost exclusively devoted to religious instruction.

Following the death of Rabbi Edelstein, the Haredi community faces a new and unprecedented situation. The identity of the new leader is not obvious, and whoever is chosen will be weaker than his predecessors. This places more power in the hands of the political functionaries, who bear no real responsibility.

The current model of the yeshiva and kollel world, in which all men are channelled for long years of study serves the goal of keeping young ultra-Orthodox men off the secular street. Paradoxically, the main victim is the Torah world itself.

The deep fear expressed by the leadership of Israelis haredim is not of external criticism, but of an internal blurring of identity and straying from the path.

The law for “adequate and appropriate representation” that is progressing along the Knesset legislative path is neither just, nor fair; it is neither wise nor ethical. And above all, it is not ultra-Orthodox.

The death penalty for terrorists bill may pass the Knesset in what may be a dream come true for some and a horrific nightmare for others.

Is a deep tectonic shift taking place in ultra-Orthodox politics, as Haredi voters are finding their voice?

We must not allow autonomous Haredi enclave to continue to develop within the State of Israel – it will be to everyone’s detriment.

Will the ultra-Orthodox break with tradition in the next government, by serving as ministers – or will they continue to the masquerade of serving as deputy ministers with status of ministers? Probably not – but they should.

The demographic explosion of the ultra-Orthodox sector will no doubt lead the two partners in United Torah Judaism to divorce. When that happens, the minorities including the “New Haredim,” will wield greater power and demand that their children have a future in the working world.

Notwithstanding the drama related to the question of whether the ultra-Orthodox Ashkenazi parties will continue to run together in the current election, there are voices within these communities that might render this arrangement unacceptable in the near future.

While its size may be small, the Edah Haredit ultra-Orthodox group has significant influence over the Haredi society as well as the general Israeli public.