Ultra-Orthodox in Israel Program

One of the biggest challenges facing Israel is how to integrate its rapidly growing ultra-Orthodox population into the economy, military and society. The Ultra-Orthodox in Israel Program seeks to address this difficult, multi-dimensional challenge by providing decision-makers, opinion shapers, philanthropists and other change agents with practicable, research-based policy proposals and smart integration strategies. 

Established in 2014 under the leadership of Dr. Gilad Malach, the program has positioned itself as a leading source of expertise on Haredi society and all aspects of the integration challenge. The program benefits greatly from its ability to draw on expertise from across IDI’s five centers of research and action, including economists, local government specialists, political scientists, and experts on education, the military, religion and constitutional law.  The program is especially known for its annual Statistical Report of Haredi Society, which monitors trends in demographics, education, employment, enlistment and other dimensions of Haredi life in Israel.

View the most recent Statistical Report on the Ultra-Orthodox in Israel>>

Together with IDI’s Military and Society Program, the Ultra-Orthodox in Israel Program is a leading source of knowledge, expertise and data on the issue of Haredi military service. Acknowledging the diversity of belief systems that characterize Israeli society alongside the imperative of preserving the IDF as a people’s army, the Program develops tailored, research-based policies that allow all Israelis to fulfill their obligation to serve while preserving their identity.

In collaboration with the Center for Governance and the Economy, the Ultra-Orthodox in Israel Program formulates data-driven policy proposals for integrating the Haredim into the Israeli workforce and sustaining Israel’s economic success story for decades to come. Among other initiatives, the program has worked to promote vocational training, educational reform, and fundamental changes to the regime of state subsidies.

In collaboration with the Religion and State Program, the Ultra-Orthodox in Israel Program conducts research on practical measures to ease the tension between religion and state and preserve Israel’s unique character as a Jewish and democratic state against the backdrop of rising extremism and polarization.

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    Ronny Barboy

    Head

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    Ronny holds a bachelor's degree in Community Social Work and a Master's in Public Administration and Policy from the Hebrew University. She specializes in research, policy analysis, and implementation. Previously, she coordinated training programs for senior civil service personnel at Mandel Institute and served as CEO and partner at Agora policy Institute, as well as being a senior researcher at the Haredi Institute for Policy Research.

    In addition, Ronny has acted as an advisor to government ministries, foundations, and third-sector organizations, specializing in guiding policy design and implementation processes related to Haredi society.

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    Prof. Benjamin Porat

    Senior Fellow

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    A senior lecturer at the Faculty of Law at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the director of the Matz Institute for Jewish Law. After completing his doctorate at the Hebrew University, he was hosted as a post-doctoral fellow by the University of Toronto

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    Dr. Gilad Malach

    Research Fellow

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    Dr. Gilad Malach is a research fellow at IDI's Ultra-Orthodox in Israel program. He co-authored the Master Plan for Ultra-Orthodox Employment (along with Doron Cohen and Haim Zicherman) and was editor of the Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel (in cooperation with Dr. Lee Cahaner).

    He was director of implementation of the Gavison-Medan Covenant Project at the Avi Chai Foundation and content manager of the Committee on Sharing the Security Burden in the Eighteenth Knesset.

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    Dr. Asaf Malchi

    Senior Researcher

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    Dr. Asaf Malchi is a senior researcher at the Israel Democracy Institute, in the Ultra-Orthodox in Israel program. His research focuses on current social and economic trends  in the community, in the areas of employment,  higher education, military and Civilian National Service, and more. These studies provide important input to decision makers in crafting policy on the ultra-Orthodox.

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    Dr. Shlomit Shahino Kesler

    Senior Researcher

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    Dr. Shlomit Shahino-Kesler is a senior researcher at the Israel Democracy Institute in the Ultra-Orthodox in Israel program.

    Shlomit holds a PhD in Political Science and has 20 years of experience in research and policy.

    Over the past decade, she has specialized in studying Haredi society.

    At the Haredi Institute for Public Affairs, she served as a senior researcher, lead researcher, and Deputy Director for Policy. In these roles, she dealt with issues such as housing, employment, education, at-risk youth, and local authorities, and worked in partnership with senior officials in government ministries, local authorities, and philanthropy.

    She teaches courses on policy and Haredi society in Israel at Sapir Academic College.

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    Dr. Ariel Finkelstein

    Researcher

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    Dr. Ariel Finkelstein holds s bachelor's degree from the Integrated Program for Philosophy, Economics and Political Science at Hebrew University, and a Master's degree in Public Policy, with a specialization in local government administration and management from Haifa University, as part of the Ministry of Local Government's "Cadets for Local Government" program.

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    Gabriel Gordon

    Researcher

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    He holds a Master's degree in Economics and Environmental studies.

    His research focuses on demographics and trends within the Israeli labor force.

     

     

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    Adi Wiener

    Research Assistant

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    Adi is researching trends of leaving the Haredi community, as part of the Ultra-Orthodox in Israel Program in the Joan and Irwin Jacobs Center for Shared Society, and is set to participate in additional research projects.

    She is a PhD candidate at the School of Jewish Studies at Tel Aviv University, holds an M.A. in Talmud from Tel Aviv University, and a B.A. in Political Science and Jewish History from the Hebrew University.

    Adi took part in various research projects, including discourse monitoring in international media project at the Hebrew University, media coverage of 2011 protest project at Hadassah Academic College, and Cairo Geniza Jewish texts project at Tel Aviv University.

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    Eliyahu Berkovits

    Researcher

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    Eliyahu is a PhD student in Jewish Thought at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and a graduate of ‘Ateret Israel’ and ‘Mir’ yeshivas.

    He has a Masters in Jewish Thought from the Hebrew University and a BA in Humanities from the Open University of Israel.

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    Tehila Gado

    Researcher

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    Doctoral student in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Has an MA in Criminology from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and is a lecturer at the Ono Academic College.

    Her PhD thesis deals with religious violence between ultra-orthodox spouses. Her research in general deals with the study of the ultra-orthodox society in Israel: trends of change in this society, religious and cultural perceptions and ideology, Rabbinical leadership and interfaces between culture and religiosity.

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    Gilad Cohen Kovacs

    Researcher

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    Gilad is an economist and a sociologist by training, a graduate of the PPE program (philosophy, economics, political science) for a bachelor's degree and the economics program for a master's degree (research track), both from the Hebrew University, and is currently a doctoral student in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at the Hebrew University.

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    Ester Hershkoviz

    Research Assistant

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    Ya'ari Padan

    Research Assistant

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    Hodaya Ben Ari

    Research Assistant

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    [email protected]

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    Danielle Ben Yehuda Warrem

    Research Assistant

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    Naomi Abraham

    Researcher

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    Libi Kimhi

    Research Assistant

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The legislation would largely repeal reforms passed in 2021, restoring the Chief Rabbinate’s centralized role over kosher certification, reducing competition and limiting religious choice.

This review demonstrates a clear correlation between religious self-definition and voting in elections. The further one moves toward the secular end of the continuum between Haredim and secular Jews, the greater the likelihood of voting for a political camp currently identified with the opposition, and vice versa.

Israel needs a nuanced doctrine for Haredi policing: consistent enforcement against violence and obstruction; disciplined restraint in the use of force; distinctions between extremists and the broader Haredi public; and direct police service to Haredi citizens who need help.

Dr. Gilad Malach, Research Fellow at IDI’s Ultra-Orthodox in Israel Program, spoke with Kan English Radio’s Mark Weiss about recent efforts by the United Torah Judaism (UTJ) party, an ultra-Orthodox faction in Netanyahu’s coalition, to dissolve the Knesset and trigger early parliamentary elections after the coalition failed to pass legislation exempting ultra-Orthodox yeshiva students from military service.

On April 26, 2026, the High Court of Justice ordered the government to take measures to enforce the draft of ultra-Orthodox men into the IDF. This includes both the withholding of certain state benefits and the imposition of criminal proceedings for draft evaders.

In Haredi society, the question of whether or not to follow IDF Home Front Command instructions can sometimes be far from straightforward. The Haredi leadership needs to speak up clearly and uniformly and call for full obedience to these instructions.

Research into the government's key discounted housing program, which takes place through national lottery rounds, finds shifting patterns of the government's prioritization by geography and population group.

The following is an executive summary and key findings from a full study, which can be found in Hebrew here.

First chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Second chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Third chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fourth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fifth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Sixth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

IDI Research Fellow Dr. Gilad Malach joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan on the Times of Israel weekly podcast, What Matters Now. They discuss the contentious matter of ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) conscription, including the history of Haredi exemption from IDF service, modern cultural norms in Haredi society, and the current Haredi conscription proposal making its way through Knesset.

Behind the call to oppose the “persecution of Torah learners” lies a different struggle: an attempt by Haredi society to unite its ranks and strengthen a communal identity that has been eroded by the growing pressures to integrate into Israeli society, especially after two years of war.

Drawing on the prayer of atonement on Yom Kippur, the authors call on Israel's ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) leadership to seek forgiveness for refusing to share in Israel’s burdens, denying opportunity to its youth, and clinging to privilege without meeting obligations.

Ahead of Yom Kippur, this analysis looks at data collected on attendance at prayers or religious ceremonies in Orthodox synagogues, as well as in Reform or Conservative synagogues in Israel. A majority of Jewish Israelis attend synagogue at least once per year.

Quantity and Demographic Profile of Visitors to the Tomb of Rabbi Nachman of Breslov in Uman Among the Jewish Public in Israel.

One of the key sanctions under debate for Haredim who evade mandatory military conscription is a prohibition on leaving the country. By reviewing the extent and characteristics of Haredim traveling abroad, this analysis paints a picture of how such a sanction would impact Haredi society.

The Attorney General recently gave instructions to halt government funding for yeshivot for young Haredim who have dropped out. These instructions promote the value of equality and may also help advance the status of the young men who have dropped out.

Despite clear indications that a significant number of ultra-Orthodox boys’ schools do not teach core subjects as required by law, hardly any face penalties from the Ministry of Education. The few penalties that are imposed are minor.

As the school system shuttered yet again in the war with Iran, Israeli society debates everything from safety to solidarity, but leaves out a critical virtue: the education of our children. Israel's ultra-Orthodox society, in spite of its refusal to be part of the Israeli collective experience, puts education at the core of its value system – what can the rest of the Israeli public learn from them?

Exactly one year ago, Israel's Supreme Court ruled—in a measured manner—that the state must follow its own laws on drafting Haredim. But of the 19,000 summons issued by early June 2025, only about 5% (996) reported to induction centers, and just 1.2% (232) were actually conscripted.

This research was released ahead of the Israel Democracy Institute's annual Eli Hurvitz Conference on Economy and Society, 2025.

A "nuts and bolts" review of the coalition agreement related to Haredi education in the 2025 State budget.

Meir Porush, Minister of Jerusalem and Jewish Tradition, established a hotline advising yeshiva students to evade mandatory military conscription. Haredi leaders have been maintaining conflicting roles as state officials and acting community activists.

First chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Second chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Third chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fourth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fifth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Sixth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

While the Haredi leadership is fighting against military service for yeshiva students, real change is already visible on the margins of Haredi society, with a growing desire among young men to serve in the IDF like other Israelis. What’s needed now is for the politicians, the religious leadership, and the government to adapt to the changes on the ground.

The recently proposed bill runs counter to accepted budgeting principles and undermines the autonomy of local governance. 

 A survey of daycare subsidies in Israel and recommendations for improved criteria that would encourage participation in the labor market among the ultra-Orthodox. 

IDI's Dr. Gilad Malach joined Kann English podcast to discuss the issue of ultra-Orthodox conscription and the ensuing termination of daycare subsidies for children of yeshiva students who refuse draft orders. 

On Monday August 5, 2024 and Tuesday August 6, 2024—900 ultra-Orthodox yeshiva students were required to present themselves at IDF enlistment centers. Shlomit Ravitsky Tur-Paz, Dr. Eran Shamir-Borer and Mirit Lavi explain the next steps the IDF will need to take in order to enforce the legal obligation of conscription. 

As the IDF issues the first batches of draft orders for ultra-Orthodox men, the following outlines the challenges, opportunities and objectives of an amended conscription law. 

The IDF should do what it can to ease the transition of Haredim from the social frameworks in which they have grown up and been educated into the military, but it is also important for new conscripts to understand that the rules cannot be changed according to the preferences of every single soldier or group.

This study describes the employment trends among men registered in ultra-Orthodox yeshivas between the ages of 18-25. The findings are based on a reported work, or "legal work," so it is very likely that this is an underestimation of reality. 

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The Supreme Court’s landmark ruling determined that ultra-Orthodox men must serve in the army poses numerous challenges for the IDF. What are the challenges of drafting the ultra-Orthodox and how should the IDF go about overcoming them?

Elections for the Chief Rabbinate Council and the two chief rabbis (“the Chief Rabbinate elections”) will likely be announced in the near term. The present document suggests a number of fundamental changes to its membership, with the goal of making it more representative.

The Supreme Court ruling on June 25th addresses the question of whether the government is operating in accordance with the law. It determined that the state must act in accordance with the law and act to draft ultra-Orthodox. It also connects between the issue of exemptions and the criteria for eligibility for yeshiva budget funds.

The aim of this review is to present the views of the Jewish public in Israel regarding the institution of the Chief Rabbinate, based on the findings of an opinion survey that was conducted in May 2024.

Dr. Ariel Finkelstein warns that the proposed new "Rabbis Law" would weaken the standing of local communities, could lead to cronyism, reduce women's representation and more. 

Ahead of the Shavuot holiday, the Israel Democracy Institute is releasing a series of source materials for study during the "tikkun leil Shavuot" (the traditional Shavuot eve study session).

The discussion in the Supreme Court yesterday was not about whether a law exempting yeshiva students harms the principle of equality. It was about a much more basic question: is the State of Israel acting in accordance with the principle of the rule of law—that is, can yeshiva students be exempted from enlisting in the IDF, when there is no law allowing for this.

Israel's Supreme Court convened to hear arguments on the issue of drafting ultra-Orthodox yeshiva students who no longer are exempt from military service, and the legality of providing funding for yeshivas that enroll them as long as no new law has been legislated on this issue.

The heroic stories of battle alongside the volunteer spirit that swept the entire nation have shaken the dichotomies nurtured by the Haredi society for years.

The proposed law ignores the dramatic change in Israel's security situation since October 7 and does not address the need for more combat soldiers, nor does it respect the burden on the populations that already serve.

We examine the increased burden of reserve service that the defense establishment is seeking to impose on the population groups that already perform regular and reserve service, and the economic-budgetary implications of this step for the period through to 2050.

Dr. Rivka Neriya-Ben Shahar proposes a model that resembles the secular educational system of colleges and universities to identify the most gifted torah scholars, who would receive a generous stipend. Others must rethink their role as part of Israeli society.

This study was designed to assess the level of satisfaction among students in higher yeshivot (ages 17 and above), their personal and social challenges, and their attitudes toward possible alternatives to yeshiva studies, such as vocational training and employment.

Response to the Government's Proposal for Haredi (non-) Conscription by Yohanan Plesner, President of the Israel Democracy Institute, and Dr. Gilad Malach, Head of IDI's Ultra-Orthodox in Israel Program

What is the connection between the expiration of the conscription law and the budgets for yeshivas? What exactly was discussed in the Supreme Court and is the state in violation of the law? Bottom line, will the ultra-Orthodox be recruited, or not?

Yohanan Plesner, president of IDI and head of the 2012 Plesner committee which sought to implement a model of "service for all," and Dr. Gilad Malach, head of the ultra-Orthodox program at IDI, share their analysis of the rapid increase in the number of yeshiva and kollel students over the past year. 

The history of the ultra-Orthodox exemption from service in the Israeli Defense Force (IDF), from the 1948 until today. 

Internal struggles between factions within the Sepharadic ultra-religious movement Shas are only beginning. The absence of the unifying figure of Rabbi Ovadia Yosef is still sorely felt, and only time will tell whether the rabbinical elite or the Knesset members representing a moderate electorate will gain the upper hand.

The legal basis for deferring military service for Yeshiva students no longer exists, removing legal justification for the transference of funds to religious institutions with students under 26. Funding for Torah study institutions is the most substantial question that needs to be addressed at the current time, when Israeli society is rethinking its relations with the Haredi public. 

How are elections in ultra-Orthodox municipalities different from those in non-orthodox local authorities? Are they comparable to the Arab community? A survey an analysis of the political structure of Haredi local authorities. 

Recently, a new answer to the dilemma of the 'modern Haredi' has been advanced enthusiastically by Rabbi David Leibel, one that maintains religiosity while increasing civic participation in the economy and in defense of Israel. 

First chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Second chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Third chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fourth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fifth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Sixth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

The current model of the yeshiva and kollel world, in which all men are channelled for long years of study serves the goal of keeping young ultra-Orthodox men off the secular street. Paradoxically, the main victim is the Torah world itself.

How would different tracks of enlistment change the longstanding Israeli ethos of service and sacrifice for the state and society?

The law for “adequate and appropriate representation” that is progressing along the Knesset legislative path is neither just, nor fair; it is neither wise nor ethical. And above all, it is not ultra-Orthodox.

The death penalty for terrorists bill may pass the Knesset in what may be a dream come true for some and a horrific nightmare for others.

Is a deep tectonic shift taking place in ultra-Orthodox politics, as Haredi voters are finding their voice?

To enhance ultra-Orthodox men’s prospects in the Israeli job market – new and innovate solutions, by way of education, must be put in place.

Dr. Gilad Malach discusses the latest “Annual Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel”, with Tel Aviv Review hosts Gilad Halpern and Yael Berda. The ultra-Orthodox parties are back in government with a vengeance, after almost two years in Opposition. How did their stay in the political wilderness affect their constituency, and what trends can already be observed?

The seventh annual report on ultra-Orthodox society in Israel found that in 2021 78% of ultra-Orthodox women and 51% of the men participate in the workforce; preliminary reports show a slight improvement in the first three quarters of 2022 - 80% and 53% respectively. In addition 44% of the ultra-Orthodox in Israel live in poverty

First chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Second chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Third chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fourth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Fifth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

Sixth chapter of six of the 'Statistical Report on Ultra-Orthodox Society in Israel'

We must not allow autonomous Haredi enclave to continue to develop within the State of Israel – it will be to everyone’s detriment.

Will the ultra-Orthodox break with tradition in the next government, by serving as ministers – or will they continue to the masquerade of serving as deputy ministers with status of ministers? Probably not – but they should.

The demographic explosion of the ultra-Orthodox sector will no doubt lead the two partners in United Torah Judaism to divorce. When that happens, the minorities including the “New Haredim,” will wield greater power and demand that their children have a future in the working world.

Notwithstanding the drama related to the question of whether the ultra-Orthodox Ashkenazi parties will continue to run together in the current election, there are voices within these communities that might render this arrangement unacceptable in the near future.

125 years ago, Herzl failed to convince ultra-Orthodox leadership to join the Zionist movement, and while their leadership did sign the Declaration of Independence in 1948, they Haredim remained in their “enclave” communities. Now, if modern-day Israel is to continue to thrive, integration of the ultra-Orthodox is crucial

While its size may be small, the Edah Haredit ultra-Orthodox group has significant influence over the Haredi society as well as the general Israeli public.

Despite the many challenges integrating the ultra-Orthodox into the workforce is essential for the well-being of Israeli society, the labor market, and the ultra-Orthodox community itself