Expanding Arenas for Democratic Participation as a Remedy for Political Helplessness
Expanding the institutional arenas for democratic participation in Israel - through electoral and structural reforms - can help address the growing sense of political helplessness and strengthen the responsiveness of its democratic system.
Photo by Yonatan Sindel/Flash90
Over the past two weeks, Israelis have seen their government take unprecedented steps that undermine the rule of law. The Prime Minister and his cabinet ministers are focusing their efforts on firing the head of the Shin Bet and Attorney General and increasing political control over the appointment of judges. Meanwhile, dozens of hostages remain in Gaza and reservists are being called back to battle.
Alon Idan, a 'Haaretz' columnist, published a recent article summarizing the sentiment felt by many Israeli citizens: helplessness. Helplessness in the face of the indifference shown by a smug and cynical prime minister. A helplessness born from the deep sense that yet another protest, another demonstration, another cry from the families of the hostages – does absolutely nothing to move this disconnected government.
Idan aptly captured the oppressive sense of a reality in which a government that has lost the trust of the majority of its citizens continues to govern unchallenged, without the slightest signs of stress. Despite the protests, despite the public outcry, despite the opinion polls reflecting the government lost its public support – nothing happens. And alongside that helplessness arises growing frustration and disbelief: how can this be?
It is painfully clear that much of this bleak reality stems from an out-of-touch Prime Minister, fighting for his political survival. But beyond that, it’s important to recognize that one of the main reasons for the current frustration felt by so many of us—whether we are aware or not— stems from the fact that, in Israel, we have no way of formally expressing our dissatisfaction with the sitting government through a vote. In other words, public sentiment cannot be meaningfully reflected in any election other than for the Knesset. True, public opinion polls have consistently shown for over two years that the government lacks majority support, but we must acknowledge that polls and public sentiment do not translate to political reality.
The State of Israel is unusual in that the only elections through which citizens can express their views are the elections for the Knesset. In all other democracies, the public can express its confidence (or lack thereof) in the sitting government through a variety of elections that are seen as an important, vital seismograph, sending messages from the public to those in power. The most well-known example is the US midterm elections, which allow citizens to balance the power of the incumbent president midway through their term by granting a majority in one or both houses of Congress to the opposing party. This is a critical feature in the complex framework of checks and balances that constrain presidential executive power.
Beyond this, in all other democracies, citizens have opportunities to vote in additional elections and send important messages to those in power through the results. These include elections for regional representative bodies (e.g., US state and county elections), direct presidential elections, elections to upper houses of parliament, a bicameral legislature (e.g., Senate and House of Representatives), elections to the European Parliament, and more, even getting down to the level of school board elections. A comparative study we conducted at the Israel Democracy Institute across 35 democracies found that Israel stands out in striking isolation in this regard: it is the only country in which citizens vote directly only for the national parliament and at the municipal level. In all the other countries included in the study, additional arenas of elections exist, spread throughout the government’s term in office.
Looking ahead, there is hope that Israel's next elections will bring in a government committed to advancing national unity and repair. Such a government would likely devote considerable thought to how to prevent Israeli democracy from once again reaching the critical condition we find ourselves in today. In doing so, the guiding light should involve a structural reform - how to reduce the extreme centralization that characterizes our system of government – how to distribute and decentralize governing power in a way that minimizes the risk of an unrestrained government disconnected from its citizens. As such a government would consider creative solutions in that direction, it would do well to recall this current sense of helplessness. Expanding the arenas of democratic participation—through elections for regional representatives, an upper house, or similar mechanisms—could help reduce that helplessness and strengthen civic engagement among Israeli citizens.
A version of this article was published in Haaretz.