Greetings

Hanukkah Sameach and Happy New Year from IDI

| Written By:

Photo by Arie Leib Abrams/Flash90

Dear Friends,

This has been a year of opposing trends.

We entered 2024 in an extremely precarious security situation. Hamas’s entrenched army threatened to turn Gaza into a graveyard for the IDF; a constant rain of fire by Hezbollah’s terror army was fast making the Galilee unlivable—while paralyzing Israeli decision-makers with the threat of massive devastation by its massive missile force; and other terror armies from Iraq to Yemen – perceiving weakness –joined the fight. Behind them all stood an emboldened and rapidly nuclearizing Iran, growing more confident by the day that Israel’s destruction lay within reach.   

If there was one silver lining to this dreadful situation, it was that the multi-front attack, reminiscent of the Yom Kippur War, united a fractured and divided country, concentrating Israeli minds on the urgent necessity of defending their embattled country. The government’s controversial attempt to overhaul the judicial system was put on hold, a unity government was formed, and hundreds of thousands of protesters turned overnight into soldiers and volunteers as Israelis from all walks of life and political affiliations answered the call of service. Many civil society leaders, including here at IDI, dared even to hope that the terrible tragedy of October 7th might yet serve as the impetus for much needed introspection, healing and reconstruction once the war was won.

The results were astounding, and in many ways inspiring. Over 100% of eligible reservists showed up for duty in their IDF units, and countless initiatives by civil society focused on everything from picking fruits and vegetables in the fields, to providing for the physical and emotional needs of those harmed and forced to displace due to the attacks. IDI’s annual Israeli Democracy Index, presented to President Issac Herzog earlier this month, found that the percentage of Israelis who feel they can rely on their fellow countrymen in time of crisis had risen from 68% in 2022 to 81% this year among Jewish Israelis, and from 39% to 62% among Arab Israelis.

For many Israelis, the war brought home the fact that in many respects the status quo was not sustainable. The politics of populism and division were a luxury a nation under existential threat could no longer afford. Similarly, a “people’s army” in which barely half the population serves—including a mere 9% of eligible 18-year-old haredim, compared to almost 90% of their secular and national religious peers—might be tolerable in times of peace, but not when military cemeteries were opening up new sections on a monthly basis. Similarly, pouring billions of taxpayer shekels into sectorial pet projects could be accepted as part of the political game in times of prosperity. But when a supreme national emergency required the immediate allocation of tremendous resources to defense, and the dispatch of the country’s workers for hundreds of days of reserve duty on the frontlines, such fiscal recklessness appeared deeply irresponsible: scarce funds had to be allocated to the war effort or to investments in Israel’s future prosperity.

So even as Israel’s security situation deteriorated in the weeks and months after October 7th, its domestic outlook seemed to be trending upwards. But now, one year later, these two trend lines have crossed. Thanks to a series of daring and decisive military and covert actions by the IDF and our security services, the sword of Damocles that was resting on the country’s collective neck has now been lifted. Though the future of Gaza remains uncertain, Hamas has been largely destroyed. Although the Houthis continue to lob ballistic missiles and drones at Israel’s cities, Hezbollah’s formidable terror army has been dismantled, a cease fire with Lebanon has been concluded, and Assad’s murderous regime in Syria lies in the dustbin of history. The threat of a nuclear-armed Iran still looms large, but its “ring of fire” has been largely extinguished. 

On the internal front, however, the trend is unfortunately negative. The positive movement towards unity and statesmanship has been replaced with an irresponsible return to the politics of division that characterized October 6th. Instead of concentrating on reconstruction, our elected leaders, against the will of the vast majority of Israelis, have decided that with the war all but won, now is the time to focus on the same divisive issues that had frayed the fabric of our society before October 7. This time, for the most part, they are not advancing major constitutional legislation of the sort that shocked millions of Israelis into the streets in 2023. Instead, the coalition heads have initiated a dizzying array of seemingly more innocuous policy initiatives, government decisions, and legislative changes all designed to advance the same fundamental goal of the judicial overhaul, namely: to remove all checks on executive power.

Among other things, the Justice Minister, who has prevented the appointment of a chief justice for over a year now, is once again threatening to abolish Israel’s nonpartisan judicial appointment system and replace it with one controlled by the coalition. Other members of the coalition are pushing legislation and executive action designed to gain control over the bar association, dismantle the public broadcasting authority, and make it harder for Arab parties and candidates to contend in the next elections. To be sure, Israel badly needs judicious, well-considered reforms in these and other areas. But unfortunately, that is not what is on offer.

In parallel, the government also appears bent on removing any source of opposition or independent judgment. The Prime Minister fired Defense Minister Yoav Gallant due to his principled insistence on the formation of an independent commission of inquiry into the failures of October 7 and his refusal to sign off on an exemption bill for ultra-Orthodox men in time of war—both positions supported by a large majority of Israelis. The next in the line appear to be the Attorney General, the IDF Chief of Staff and head of the Shabak—all of whom are attacked on a daily basis due to their alleged refusal to toe the line.

I am deeply concerned about the consequences of heading back down this destructive path. The role of good leadership at this time is to build on the extraordinary military achievements of recent months in order to craft a more peaceful regional order, while channeling the lingering sense of internal unity and joint purpose felt by so many Israelis into the hard work of accountability, healing, and consensual reform. This kind of leadership is what Israelis crave, and what one hopes Israel’s democratic system will eventually produce.

Our job at IDI is to prepare for that moment. Over the past year, teams of our experts have been working diligently on detailed plans for renewal and reform in the areas critical for Israel’s future survival and prosperity as a vibrant Jewish and democratic state.

Probably our biggest focus this year has been on the design of a new paradigm for relations between the State and the Haredi community, including practical proposals to maximize Haredi service in our overstretched military (a policy supported by 70% of Jewish Israelis) and phase out costly government subsidies that prevent Haredim from joining the workforce and contributing to the economy. I am increasingly of the opinion that the future of Israel will be largely determined by how effectively we deal with this challenge.

We are also moving forward with bold initiatives to streamline our bloated government, reform our embattled civil service, and devolve power to Israel’s local municipalities. And we continue to fine-tune plans to promote a new constitutional framework for Israel. While today’s divisions may make this endeavor seem distant, close to 70% of Israelis say they will support a constitutional arrangement based on the Declaration of Independence. If we have learned anything from the last two years, it is that some kind of constitutional framework is essential both to protect our rights and make sure our enemies cannot exploit our divisions ever again.

For us, this is not only a national struggle, but a personal undertaking. We have been to too many funerals this year. Every family has someone on the front lines. We are sacrificing so much not only for our safety and security, but to ensure a better future for our country. As we prepare to ring in 2025, it is my hope that the battlefield victories of the past year will be transformed into lasting peace for us and our neighbors. I expect our leaders to remember that they were elected to serve all Israelis, and that a mandate for governing should not be confused with a green light for revolution. And I pray that our leadership will create the space for a real national reckoning after the terrible trials of the past year, thus opening the path for reconciliation and regeneration in the year ahead.

I wish to thank our friends around the world for the support you have shown IDI and the Israeli people. As we celebrate the holiday of Hannukah – and search for light amid the gathering darkness – I know that you join me in praying for the safe and rapid return of our hostages.

I wish you all Hanukkah Sameach and a Happy New Year.

 

Yours,

Yohanan Plesner

President

The Israel Democracy Institute