Political Reform Program

This flagship program seeks to address the key challenges facing Israel's parliamentary system, including political instability, over-centralization, fragmentation of the party system, rising populism, a decline in the prestige and effectiveness of the Knesset and deteriorating public trust in political institutions.

The program develops and promotes proposals for reform, with an emphasis on measures to stabilize the political system, boost the Prime Minister's capacity to govern, strengthen parliamentary oversight of the executive branch, and democratize intra-party processes. Over the years, the program has contributed to the repeal of direct elections for the Prime Minister, raising the electoral threshold for the Knesset and the establishment of the Legislative Information Center of the Knesset.

 

In the wake of five elections in less than four years, the program is focused on promoting a series of critical reforms designed to restore stability to Israel’s political system.

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    Dr. Assaf Shapira

    Head; Research Fellow

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    [email protected]

    Assaf Shapira received a PhD in Political Science from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He was a post-doctoral fellow at the Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and at the Centre d’études européennes (Center for European Studies) at the Sciences po (Paris).

    His research largely focuses on political representation, political parties, the role of money in politics, and reforms in Israel's public service.

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    Prof. Gideon Rahat

    Senior Fellow

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    Professor Rahat is a faculty member of the Political Sciences Department at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and an International Fellow at the Center for the Study of Democracy at the University of California, Irvine.

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    Dr. Dana Blander

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    Research Fellow and Research Consultant

    [email protected]

    Dr. Dana Blander is a Research Fellow at the Israel Democracy Institute and an expert clinical psychologist. Her doctoral thesis - "ambivalence as a challenge to the political order" - which combines political philosophy with psychoanalytic insights won the Alex Berger Award of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem in 2008. She served as a guest lecturer at Tufts University in Boston in the years 2010-2011.

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    Dr. Chen Friedberg

    Research Fellow

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    Dr. Chen Friedberg has co-written many papers published by the Israel Democracy Institute.

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    Prof. Ofer Kenig

    Research Fellow

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    [email protected]

    Prof. Ofer Kenig is a senior lecturer in Ashkelon Academic College and a research fellow in Israel Democracy Institute. His areas of research include comparative politics, political parties, leadership and candidate selection and Israeli politics. He co-authored the books Reforming Israel's Political System (2013)The Promise and Challenge of Party Primary Elections (2016) and From Party Politics to Personalized Politics (2018).

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    Avital Friedman

    Researcher

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    Asaf Heiman

    Research Assistant

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    [email protected]

    Asaf holds a bachelor's and master’s degree in political science from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. His thesis presented on a comparative study of political parties in local government in Israel. At IDI, Asaf researches local politics in Israel and explores ways to promote local democracy in Israel. As part of this, Asaf focuses on studying the activities of political parties in Israel's local government and the local electoral system.

The state comptroller plays a critical role in preventing misconduct in elections. Israel is now in a situation in which "the rules of the game are in place, but the referee has disappeared from the field."

The date of the election for the 26th Knesset has been officially set. One of the major milestones on the road to Election Day is September 8, the deadline for submitting candidate lists. Each party is free to determine how it compiles its list. This review examines the methods the parties use.

Everything you need to know about what happens to the Knesset between the end of its summer session and the 2026 elections, scheduled for October 27, 2026.

Prof. Ofer Kenig briefed the Jerusalem Press Club on Israel’s upcoming elections including on how the electoral system works, the formation of party lists, “double envelope” voting, coalition negotiations, and the process of forming a new government after election day.

A semi-open ballot system would give voters the chance to express preference for particular candidates on election day, not just a pre-determined party list. This would improve accountability to the voters and resolve many of the shortcomings in the current methods of candidate selection.

Thirty years ago this week, on June 18, 1996, MK Benjamin Netanyahu was sworn in as Israeli Prime Minister for the first time. Since then, he served a cumulative total of nearly 19 years in office. This makes him one of the longest-serving leaders in the democratic nations.

How is the state comptroller elected? What are the comptroller’s powers, whom does the comptroller audit, and to what extent can they actually influence decision-makers in practice? Here is what you need to know.

What is the process and timing involved in dissolving Knesset and initiating elections? What happens between a Knesset dissolution and the forming of a new government? Is Israel's process typical compared to other countries? All your questions answered about dissolving Israeli Knesset.

In the wake of the announcement by the director-general of the Central Elections Committee, Orly Adas, of her resignation: What is the role of the Committee, what is the role of the director-general, what is the significance of this resignation, and what challenges will need to be addressed?

Everything you need to know about the structure and responsibilities of Israel's Knesset (parliament) and how national elections work in Israel.

Former Prime Ministers Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid announced a joint run of the "Bennett 2026" and Yesh Atid parties in the 2026 election. It is certainly possible that we will see additional joint runs like these ahead of the elections, for example, within the center bloc, the right-wing bloc, and among the Arab parties. The assumption is that such a run would benefit the parties and the bloc. But is this assumption correct?

Hungary's incoming prime minister declared his intention to institute term limits for the prime minister – an exceptional move for a parliament. While similar ideas have been proposed in Israel, term limits are not a substitute for strong democratic institutions based on oversight and checks and balances.

The decision for Knesset to advance highly controversial legislation during the war with Iran, and under a special home front situation, risks undermining proper legislative processes, impeding public debate on the issues, and hindering the ability of elected officials to address urgent war-related matters.

The impressive improvement in women's representation in the Knesset that was seen between 1999 and 2015 has halted in the past decade. This is true in government as well, where the representation of women is actually regressing rather than improving compared to the previous government, and is particularly low compared to other democracies.

Why is the Knesset automatically dissolved if the budget is not approved? When was this rule established, and when was the last time elections were brought forward due to the failure to pass the state budget? All the answers.

Instead of debating electoral reforms that seek to preserve and protect the political interests of those in power, let us focus on electoral reform, such as a semi-open ballot system, that would improve governance, increase accountability, and strengthen democracy.

As the Likud party seeks to replace MK Yuli Edelstein as Chair of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, this Q&A lays out everything you need to know about the role of a Committee Chair, and the the replacement process and history relevant to the current situation.

This week's announcement of the resignation of the ultra-Orthodox parties from the coalition marks a fairly common case of parties resigning due to matters of religion and state. The following historical analysis looks at parties that have withdrawn from their governing coalitions over the years and the ideological disagreements that led them to do so.

The Knesset passed Amendment 44 in 2016 to regulate the possibility of impeaching MK's. An MK can be expelled if the Knesset finds that his or her actions constituted incitement to racism or support of an armed struggle against Israel.

The events of October 7, the judicial overhaul, continuous war, murderous violence on the streets, a spiraling cost of living—none of these have been enough to destabilize the coalition. Will it be the conflict over drafting yeshiva students that ultimately brings down the Netanyahu government?

In a semi-open ballot system, voters would see electoral lists and be able to select "preferred candidates" when they vote. This common sense reform would strengthen democracy, allowing for a fuller expression of voter preferences and an increased connection between voters and their elected officials.

In recent years, it has repeatedly been claimed that “Israel has too many elections.” On the one hand, this is true, Israel has the highest frequency of parliamentary elections compared to all developed democracies. On the other, Israelis have fewer voting opportunities.

An analysis of the effects of the war on employment within Israel's Arab population. 

To protect the credibility of the police as an impartial law enforcement agency, independent oversight over the police prosecution unit - the police unit that issues criminal charges - must be increased through the Attorney General's office.

With the outbreak of the war in October 2024, the Prime Minister announced that he was halting all legislation relating to the judicial overhaul, however, various government actions raise questions regarding its intentions in relation to the overhaul and whether it might be trying to advance it by other means beyond legislation.

Elections for the Chief Rabbinate Council and the two chief rabbis (“the Chief Rabbinate elections”) will likely be announced in the near term. The present document suggests a number of fundamental changes to its membership, with the goal of making it more representative.

The Labor and Meretz parties recently announced their intention to merge. Though these are relatively small parties today—Meretz has no representation at all in the current Knesset, and Labor has just four seats—this is still a significant event from a historical perspective and within the Zionist left.

While the Israeli public has been focusing on the war and on the hostages in Gaza, the government—led by the minister of justice—has been preparing an assault on the independence of the judicial system.

The recent municipal elections produced particularly interesting results in Arab local authorities. Below, we examine several aspects of these results relating to the representation of Arab women.

V-Dem's latest report downgraded Israel's status from a "liberal democracy" to an "electoral democracy." The change in Israel's category is concerning, but on its own, it does not necessarily indicate a clear democratic decline. 

The National Unity faction in the Knesset is disbanding and reverting into the two parties that composed its list of candidates in the last election. The splitting of joint lists does not contribute to political stability. It contributes to fragmentation within the political system and may be perceived as political cynicism.

Between 1996 and 2015, there was a real improvement in women's representation in the Knesset. Since 2015, however, it seems this upward trend has stalled and female legislative representation is faltering, especially compared to other democracies.

Arab-Israeli public officials are being increasingly targeted by criminals, hoping to get their way through threats, extortion and force ahead of Tuesday's local elections. Running for office shouldn't cost people their lives.

When Israeli liberals depend solely on the Supreme Court for checks and balances, they are taking a big risk. It is essential to add veto points as human rights in Israel should not depend on the Supreme Court alone - decentralization of government is key. 

For local government to be able to truly represent all residents and understand the diversity of their different needs, it is important that there be appropriate representation of men and women alike

In the system of democracy currently in place in Israel, Knesset members represent the public. This is indisputable. However, the ties between the public and its representatives are very weak.

The impact of the proposed changes to the judicial system on the financial balance of Israeli households: analysis of the M.O.F risk scenarios by income deciles

The proposed government resolution fails to explain why a National Guard is needed, how to ensure that it does not target minority groups unjustifiably, and what the division of labor will be with the police. It is also liable to result in the increased militarization of law enforcement in Israel, which could lead to disproportionate infringement of human rights.

Precisely what legal clause Levin and company will choose to achieve their goals isn’t really important, but the larger implications certainly are.

A top democracy index hasn't yet ranked Israel with Hungary. That will change if the majority becomes all powerful

The concepts of a “position” and “conflict of interest” crop up frequently in the discussion of the judicial revolution - that is why the facts are so important

Just one year ago, women’s representation in Israeli politics soared to an all-time high—in the Knesset, in the Government, and in local authorities. But today, we are going backwards. The approach of International Women’s Day is an appropriate time to look at the current situation and express concern as to this trend.

Increased corruption and damage to Israel's economy - four simple figures with important lessons for Israel’s judicial overhaul

Coercive regulations and enforcement, especially in democratic countries, have a more limited reach than governments are prepared to admit.

The Ministerial Committee on Legislation is a powerful force behind legislation in Israel – therefore it isn’t surprising that Ben-Gvir is vying for the position of Vice-Chairman.

Netanyahu will soon begin his third term as Prime Minister – 26 years after he was first elected to the position. This is an extraordinary accomplishment – however not unheard and there are other leaders of democratic countries who have made more than one comeback.

Limits should be placed on the conditions under which joint lists composed of several parties can split up. It also needs to be clear under what circumstances a Knesset Member who has seceded from his faction must resign, so that the resignation will be considered to be “soon after his secession.”

 

The trend to divvy up the government in political agreements has reached new heights - with detrimental impact on the ministries ability to provide high-quality service

Israel still has no constitution, and the separation of powers seems fragile. What challenges will Israel’s democracy face in the next government?

With regards to the relations between the Coalition and the Opposition in the new Knesset - we must restoring the crown to its former glory

The “Norwegian Law” has many troubling and significant downsides - however Israel's parliament is simply too small.

Joint lists that fall apart quickly often do more harm than good, heightening political divisiveness and instability

Fourteen days after the election, the 25th Knesset will be sworn in. This is the fifth Knesset inauguration in less than 3½ years—testimony to the political crisis which Israel is undergoing. How many new MKs are there? Will the stagnation in female representation continue? How many MKs have a background in local government?

 

The elections for the 25th Knesset assembly produced a clear result. Israel’s citizens have had their say, and the political system is now entering the next stage of the cycle: forming a new government. Over the coming days, President Herzog will consult with the representatives of the factions elected to the Knesset, and will decide whom to entrust with the task of forming a government. This will begin the process that will culminate in the swearing-in of Israel’s 37th government. What are the rules that govern this process, and what can we learn from past experience in Israel and in other countries?

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Despite a clear majority of seats in the Knesset for Netanyahu and his right-wing coalition, the number of votes cast in the 2022 elections in Israel was almost equal between the factions. How is this possible?
Israel's electoral process is one of proportional representation and includes a 3.25% threshold. Find out what role this played in determining election results and how it differs from the American electoral college system.

From a comparative perspective, the electoral threshold in Israel (3.25%) seems perfectly reasonable. In the vast majority of democracies, this figure ranges from 2% to 5%. Every percent plus or minus comes with its own advantages and disadvantages. When the threshold is higher, there is a greater danger that votes will go to waste. This is what just happened in Israel, where the lists that came up short of the threshold now find themselves out of the Knesset. But this is not predestined: whether parties clear the threshold or not, depends on their use of their political intelligence.

After five elections in less than four years – Israel is on its way to political stability. Although the number of voters since 2021 didn’t change dramatically – almost 9% of the votes were wasted below the electoral threshold – how does this affect the makeup of the new Knesset?  In addition the 2022 elections resulted in a clear victory for former Prime Minister Netanyahu, even though voters were split on whether they wanted him back in office. Prof. Kenig explains.

 

The 2022 elections resulted in a clear victory for former Prime Minister Netanyahu, even though voters were split on whether they wanted him back in office. Prof. Kenig explains.

Does the past predict the future? Sometimes yes, sometimes no. What we can expect is stability in the number of double-envelope ballots, which will have a negligible impact on the distribution of Knesset seats between the blocs, unless they push some list below the threshold.

What it is the significance of “vote-sharing agreements,” how is it decided which of the parties that signed a vote-sharing agreement gains an additional seat, and what happens if one of the parties does not pass the electoral threshold? The answers to all these questions are provided in this overview.

With less than a month to go to Israel’s fifth elections in three and a half years, it is clear that governmental instability has wreaked huge damage. The work of the Knesset and of the government has suffered, as Knesset members and ministers are constantly operating in a campaign mode. The rules of the game that are generating this instability must be addressed carefully and based on a broad consensus.

Diplomatic briefing with IDI President Yohanan Plesner and Researcher Dr. Arik Rudnitzky on Israel’s fifth national elections in less than four years. The briefing focused on the electoral crisis, the state of Israeli democracy as well as the latest developments regarding the political parties and voting patterns of Arab Israelis.

The current political instability is the result a breach of accepted rules of the game that are based on assumptions about the nature of politics—and even of human nature.

The current campaign finance system in Israel incentivizes existing parties and creates a closed club where its difficult for new parties to compete. How can the system be reformed?

The dramatic differences among the different parties in terms of women’s representation in realistic candidate slots raise the question of what has gone wrong with the gender quota system. One simple recommendation for gradually increasing these quotas could radically change the situation and help ensure equitable representation for women

Former IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot’s decision to join Benny Gantz and Gideon Sa’ar’s new political framework is a part of a long-standing trend in which retired IDF chiefs of staff join the political system.

The election campaign for the 25th Knesset is in its early stages, and one of the key landmarks is September 15th when all the parties contending must submit their list of candidates.

Dr. Assaf Shapira discusses the primary system in Israel with Bicom's Richard Pater. They talk about why parties chose to elect their candidates through different systems and what benefits parties such as the Likud and Labor gain from using the closed primary system.

How much does religious affiliation influence the votes that Israelis cast in the ballot box? Central Bureau of Statistics data and Viterbi Center surveys are used to present a comprehensive picture.

Israel has a closed electoral system, so that on election day, the country’s citizens do not vote for individual representatives, but rather-for a list, which subsequently evolves into a faction in the Knesset. What does that mean in terms of balancing the power between the party and  individual parliament members?

The 24th Knesset has dispersed, around a year and a quarter since it was sworn in. The most prominent finding in the following review is that this Knesset continued the trend set by its predecessor: Both saw a dramatic increase in the number of private members’ bills put forward, and a dramatic reduction in the proportion of such bills that passed a third reading and became laws.

Joint lists decrease political polarization in the Knesset, but this might not hold true when it comes to artificial mergers and parties that have never proven that they represent a significant portion of the population.

Merav Michaeli just became the first Labor leader to win reelection since the party adopted the ‘primaries’ system in 1992. IDI expert Prof. Ofer Kenig presents three pertinent insights on the state of democracy in the party founded by the leaders who established Israel.

What majority is required to pass a law to dissolve the Knesset on the various readings? After the Knesset is dissolved, how do it and the Government function? What do things look like right now?

Israel is about to hold its fifth election in less than four years. With elections taking place every 2.4 years, this places Israel first in the world in terms of frequencies of elections since 1996.

As Israel prepares for the dispersal of the Knesset, which will lead to the fifth election in less than four years, CNN's Hadas Gold spoke with Yohanan Plesner to unpack what all this means

A fifth election in three years, is a clear indication that Israel’s worst political crisis did not end when this government was sworn into office.

Following the announcement by MK Ghaida Rinawie Zoabi that she no longer views herself as a member of the governing coalition, Dr. Assaf Shapira, Director of the Political Reform Program at the Israel Democracy Institute, examined the three instances in which a minority government of 59 MKs served in Israel.

The Knesset might be dissolved before the end of its term – a phenomenon not unique to Israel, but rather common to almost every parliamentary democracy providing a degree of flexibility.

The unlikely coalition that survived thanks to the one vote has lost the parliamentary majority. Does this mean that the Knesset will disperse and new elections will be held? Dr. Dana Blander explains the different ways in which the Knesset can be dissolved and discusses the relationship between these mechanisms and government stability in a parliamentary system. 

Ahead of the Knesset House Committee’s debate and vote to declare MK Amichai Chikli as a ‘defector’ - what is a parliamentary defector, how are they designated as such, and what are the repercussions? IDI experts Dr. Chen Friedberg, Dr. Assaf Shapira have all the answers.

IDI experts Prof. Gideon Rahat and Dr. Chen Friedberg explain what a Constructive No-Confidence Vote means for the stability of Israel’s government.

 

In the wake of the latest political crisis - can a minority government prevent yet another election? 

In the wake of the announcement by MK Idit Silman (Yamina party) that she no longer supports the current government (as Yamina MK Amichai Chikli did shortly after the coalition was established), the coalition now includes only 60 Knesset members. What are the implications of her move? What developments can we expect to see in the government and the Knesset in the near future?

As we mark International Women’s Day, there are a record number of women are in the Knesset (35) and in the government (9) but most senior government positions are still held by men.

As the Knesset, Israel’s legislature, marks its 73rd birthday, IDI is taking the opportunity to reflect on two of its characteristics; the social composition of its membership and its size as compared with other countries.

Critical reforms are necessary to ensure the quality and future of Israeli democracy

The recently proposed bill would limit the tenure of the Prime Minister in Israel to eight years (continuous or cumulative). At the end of that time, the Government would be considered to have resigned and its head would no longer be eligible to serve as Prime Minister. This limitation would apply only to tenure after the date of the law’s passage.

To date, the Knesset was dissolved only once due to failure to pass a budget. On December 23, 2020: the 23rd Knesset was dissolved after it did not approve the budget. Originally, the law mandated that the government approve the budget by August 2020, but as part of what was termed the "Hauser compromise" the law was amended, and the date was postponed to December of that year.

 

In Israel, there are frequent complaints about over-regulation, burdensome bureaucracy and inefficient law. On the other hand, many acknowledge that there are areas where regulations are lacking or out of date. IDI experts weigh in and explains the proposed new law that are set to reform Israel's regulatory framework.

Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s longest-serving prime minister, finally left office this year. He is now on trial on corruption charges and Israel is ruled by the most diverse coalition in its history. Financial Times Gideon Rachman discusses Israel’s new political landscape with Yohanan Plesner, president of the Israel Democracy Institute

Israel Heads to Elections: Prof. Ofer Kenig Briefs the Jerusalem Press Club on How the Voting System Actually Works

July 16, 2026

Prof. Ofer Kenig briefed the Jerusalem Press Club on Israel’s upcoming elections including on how the electoral system works, the formation of party lists, “double envelope” voting, coalition negotiations, and the process of forming a new government after election day.

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Election Results - How Are Votes Translated to Knesset Seats?

November 09, 2022

Despite a clear majority of seats in the Knesset for Netanyahu and his right-wing coalition, the number of votes cast in the 2022 elections in Israel was almost equal between the factions. How is this possible?
Israel's electoral process is one of proportional representation and includes a 3.25% threshold. Find out what role this played in determining election results and how it differs from the American electoral college system.

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Vocational Training

August 26, 2019


Vocational training in Israel used to be a success story, but lack of funding and management has severely compromised its effectiveness. Dr. Eitan Regev explains how this in turn impairs productivity and wages and what should be done to improve this important program.

The Personalization of Politics

July 19, 2016

Research Reel with Professor Gidon Rahat - The Personalization of Politics

The Role of the Attorney General

July 03, 2016

Research Reel with Dr. Guy Lurie - The Role of the Attorney General