Knesset

Israel is the only OECD member that has neither regional elections nor a personal element in the electoral system. This is not simply a technical issue but has far-reaching implications relating to the quality of representation and the obligation elected officials have toward their voters.

The 25th Knesset has recently completed its summer session, which began on May 19, 2024 and concluded on Sunday July 28, 2024. This article reviews and analyzes various aspects of the Knesset’s work during this period, comparing them to the previous two full sessions of the 25th Knesset.

With the outbreak of the war in October 2024, the Prime Minister announced that he was halting all legislation relating to the judicial overhaul, however, various government actions raise questions regarding its intentions in relation to the overhaul and whether it might be trying to advance it by other means beyond legislation.

IDI experts outline the initiatives and measures undertaken by the government that, taken together, constitute a concentrated effort undermine Israel's democratic institutions. At the core of these efforts is a dramatic attempt to weaken the status of the Attorney General; increased politicization of the police; continued undermining of the independence of the judiciary and more.

Judicial overhaul initiatives, along with other anti-democratic measures, have continued to be promoted by the government and the coalition in the Knesset. This document outlines the various actions taken in government that weaken the Israeli judiciary and democracy at large.

The IDF and local authorities received the highest trust ratings from the Jewish public, while the political institutions were at the bottom with the lowest level. The post October 7th survey also saw a substantial increase in trust in the Israeli police. 

Between 1996 and 2015, there was a real improvement in women's representation in the Knesset. Since 2015, however, it seems this upward trend has stalled and female legislative representation is faltering, especially compared to other democracies.

Since the Knesset passed Amendment 44 to regulate the possibility of impeaching MK's in 2016, no request has been made, making the case of MK Ofer Cassif unprecedented. An MK can be expelled if the Knesset finds that his or her actions constituted incitement to racism or support of an armed struggle against Israel. 

The Supreme Court's ruling to strike down the amendment made to the Basic Law: The Judiciary and reinstate the Standard of Reasonableness is a landmark decision on an issue that has been exceptionally divisive within Israeli society. Will this lead to a constitutional crisis? 8 Key points from IDI's experts examining the court's decision.

This decision refocused our attention not only on the specific law it struck down but also on the unfinished business of completing our country’s constitutional framework

Coalition funds have been part of the budget-making progress for years. This study examines the trends in the use of these funds under the last three governments. One can see that the volume of coalition funds has grown up to fourfold within two Governments and that their breakdown has been less professional and more directed to interest groups.

The optimistic hope that the majority will not take advantage of its power to perpetuate its rule is akin to leaving the cream to be guarded by 61 cats. The temptation is just too strong.

The “Norwegian Law” has many troubling and significant downsides - however Israel's parliament is simply too small.

Joint lists that fall apart quickly often do more harm than good, heightening political divisiveness and instability

Fourteen days after the election, the 25th Knesset will be sworn in. This is the fifth Knesset inauguration in less than 3½ years—testimony to the political crisis which Israel is undergoing. How many new MKs are there? Will the stagnation in female representation continue? How many MKs have a background in local government?

The 24th Knesset has dispersed, around a year and a quarter since it was sworn in. The most prominent finding in the following review is that this Knesset continued the trend set by its predecessor: Both saw a dramatic increase in the number of private members’ bills put forward, and a dramatic reduction in the proportion of such bills that passed a third reading and became laws.

Israel has a closed electoral system, so that on election day, the country’s citizens do not vote for individual representatives, but rather-for a list, which subsequently evolves into a faction in the Knesset. What does that mean in terms of balancing the power between the party and  individual parliament members?

IDI experts Prof. Gideon Rahat and Dr. Chen Friedberg explain what a Constructive No-Confidence Vote means for the stability of Israel’s government.

As we mark International Women’s Day, there are a record number of women are in the Knesset (35) and in the government (9) but most senior government positions are still held by men.

As the Knesset, Israel’s legislature, marks its 73rd birthday, IDI is taking the opportunity to reflect on two of its characteristics; the social composition of its membership and its size as compared with other countries.

Women still constitute less than 30% of all Knesset members and the percentage of female cabinet members in the government has never risen above 23.5%

The data reflects a very high turnover rate in Israel's political system. This has both positive and negative aspects. On the one hand - a robust political system should be refreshed - but it can also be a symptom of a "sick" system

With the exception of issues related to the coronavirus pandemic, this Knesset has passed almost no legislation, and this government has met only rarely.

This law, unique to Israel, was meant as an incentive to avoid budgetary deadlock. Today, it sows instability.

Knesset members should be available for parliamentary legislation and oversight

Democracies ensrhine onstitutional rights, and give the court the power to protect them, out of concern that the legislator may act rashly, or even tyrannically - so then why should we "override" the court's authority - when we have no other constraints

After two MKs - Ofer Kasif and Ahmad Tibi - were allegedly involved in violence against police officers, IDI experts Dr. Amir Fuchs and Dr. Assaf Shapira explain the reasoning for and parameters of parliamentary immunity.