Articles

The Arab parties of Balad and Raam-Taal were banned last week from participating in the upcoming elections for the Knesset in February. This ruling by the Central Elections Committee is a clear indication of the dire state of Israeli politics and the ongoing deterioration of Israel's democratic character.

On December 27th, 2008, just weeks before the scheduled general elections, the IDF launched a large scale military operation in the Gaza Strip. Should elections be postponed because of war or should they be held as scheduled? IDI researcher Dr. Dana Blander discusses this question from an historical-legal perspective, drawing on Israeli historical precedents and the experiences of other democracies.

IDI Former President and Founder Dr. Arye Carmon explains the causes and effects of Knesset instability in light of the 2009 election, and outlines a series of electoral reforms that could stabilize and strengthen Israeli government and "prepare Israel for tough decisions that lie ahead."

A broad survey of the various models of district elections that could be adopted in Israel, which includes a comparative international perspective and explores the factors that must be taken into consideration when deciding to adopt such a system in Israel.

Israeli law calls for general elections every four years. However, recent Israeli governments have not survived a full term in office. In light of the 2009 elections, IDI Researcher Dr. Ofer Kenig, Knowledge Manager for the Israel Democracy Institute's website, explores the implications of frequent elections on the stability of Israeli democracy government.

Who is addressing the problematic relationship between local and national government in Israel? Is anyone designing a a comprehensive reform program to solve some of the issues that are the result of a malfunctioning system of local governance? How, if at all, does the national media deal with this issue?

An examination of the development of Israeli local politics, which discusses voting patterns, citizen participation in the decision making process and political activism, as each relates to local politics.

The IDI website met with Dr. Arye Carmon to discuss his views on the complex relationship between the government and the municipalities, an issue that was discussed extensively at the 2008 Caesarea Forum.

An exploration of voter participation in municipal elections in Israel that explores the possible reasons for low voter turnout and proposes ways to increase citizen participation in local politics.

An article by the Guttman Center for Surveys on the desire of young people from the Russian immigrant community in Israel to remain in Israel. 

Prof. Yedidia Z. Stern examines the reality of the ongoing financial crisis, and tries to explain how such a rational industry gets carried away with reckless decision-making procedures.

Prof. Yedidia Z. Stern discusses the issue of limiting salaries of public company executives and argues that the inadequacy of corporate, legal and economic oversight weakens the will to press charges and justifies the call for legislative intervention.

Anti-politics is the aversion of citizens to political institutions and elected political figures. In this article, IDI Senior Fellow Prof. Tamar Hermann and IDI researchers Yuval Lebel and Hila Zaban survey different types of anti-politics, distinguish between anti-politics and de-politicization, and present insights about Israeli anti-politics based on the findings of the 2008 Israeli Democracy Index.

An abridged version of a Hebrew article on cyber-terrorism that was originally published in IDI's Hebrew Parliament on-line journal.

An abridged version of a Hebrew article on cyber-terrorism that was originally published in IDI's Hebrew Parliament on-line journal.

An article from IDI's Hebrew Parliament on-line journal on the battle against the financing of terrorism and concerns about infringing basic rights.

The fight against terrorism falls into two categories: the Law Enforcement Paradigm (the traditional, criminal struggle), and the Armed Conflict Paradigm (a more recent, military struggle). In this article, originally published in Hebrew in IDI's online journal Parliament, Prof. Yuval Shany examines these two paradigms in the context of international law and surveys the implications of choosing one method over the other. For an abridged version of this article, click here.

Democratic countries around the world are struggling to effectively fight terror without compromising basic human rights and freedoms – the essential democratic values. In this article from IDI's Hebrew online journal Parliament, IDI's Yogev Tuval presents an analysis and comparison of post-9/11 anti-terrorism legislation in the United States and Britain, and explains how certain laws threaten democracy.

An abridged version of an article by IDI Senior Fellow Prof. Yuval Shany that discusses the fight against terrorism as seen by the Law Enforcement Paradigm and by the Armed Conflict Paradigm in the context of international law and surveys the implications of choosing one model over the other. 

Below is an abridged version of an article by IDI Senior Fellow Prof. Yuval Shany that discusses the fight against terrorism as seen by the Law Enforcement Paradigm and by the Armed Conflict Paradigm in the context of international law and surveys the implications of choosing one model over the other.

For the full version of this article, click <a href="http://en.idi.org.il/14005.aspx">here</a>.

An article that introduces the debate about the definition of "terrorism," analyzes its scope, frequency, and ramifications, and concludes with two ways to understand terrorism as a significant threat to democracy.

Prof. Mordechai Kremnitzer reflects on the productivity of the Knesset during the summer of 2008, suggesting that most of its members' energy was invested in dangerous, anti-democratic, disproportionate, offensive, and sometimes almost racist, legislation.

Last week, the Justice Minister proposed a bill aimed at separating the duties of the Attorney General from those of the Public Prosecutor. Prof. Mordechai Kremnitzer writes that Friedman's several attempts to introduce changes to the judicial system should be seen for what they are: a part of his larger agenda of weakening the judicial system.

Prof. Mordechai Kremnitzer and Roy Konfino respond to a bill that in practice exempts the State of Israel from compensating Palestinians who live in the occupied territories for any damages the State may have caused them as part of the war on terror.

The rising use of sensational photographs as framing tools in newspapers is highly controversial. In this article from The Seventh Eye, 2008, Noam Yuran expands on this topic. Can we criticize print media for using the same methods as television? Or should we expect newspapers to offer an alternative to television?

How central is the security question among the general Israeli public, and to what extent is it central in party eyes? What are the estimated percentages of citizens in Israel who associate themselves with the right and left camps? This article explores these questions and associates Israel's right and left political camps with their perceptions of security-related issues. 

This article presents an interview conducted with IDI researcher Yair Sheleg on the occasion of the publication of his IDI policy paper on the political and social ramifications of evacuating settlements in Judea, Samaria, and Gaza, which used the Disengagement of 2005 as a case study.

Barak Cohen discusses how Israel's lack of a constitution manifests itself today as unanswered fundamental questions of seemingly irreconcilable identities. The steps of progress and maturity have to consist of compromises and rationality.

Since its establishment in 1948, Israel's demographics have shifted greatly due to large immigrant waves (aliyot). This article examines several models of cultural absorption, analyzes the success of Israeli absorption efforts in the past, and proposes possible improvements for the future.

Has Israeli society always been characterized by a sense of closeness with the state? During which periods did the wish to remain in Israel waver, and when were almost all Israelis certain of their desire to stay?