Articles

All too often the Knesset amends Israel's Basic Laws - how does this compare with other parliamentary democracies?

In an effort to create uniformity, populists are ready to destroy the state.

Ditching the 5-year plan for the Arab sector will have adverse long-term effects on the Arab's sector ability to integrate into Israel's shared society.

The July 2023 edition of the Israeli Voice Index finds that 58% of Israelis believe the country is in a "state of emergency." Only a small minority of Israelis believe that IDF reservists, who fail to report for duty in protest of the judicial overhaul, should be dismissed.

The term "incapacitation" refers to a situation in which a government official is unable to perform their duty. The previous version of the law did not detail what constitutes incapacitation, nor who is authorized to declare incapacitation. The current version is accused of being personal and political.  

Less than 24 hours after the Knesset passed the “Reasonableness Law” the attorney general filed her professional opinion to the Supreme Court on an entirely different matter: the “Incapacitation Law.” What do the two amendments share in common?

The broadcast system in Israel certainly needs to be reformed in various ways, but Communications Minister Karhi's proposals all include a political twist that transform reform into ruination.

When Israeli liberals depend solely on the Supreme Court for checks and balances, they are taking a big risk. It is essential to add veto points as human rights in Israel should not depend on the Supreme Court alone - decentralization of government is key. 

This paper seeks to elucidate the economic consequences of the judicial overhaul. It approaches the topic through the lens of the new institutional literature in economics, which has extensively addressed the link between democratic institutions and the economy in recent decades.

The coalition launched the first stage in its judicial overhaul. The process by which the amendment to the Basic Law: The Judiciary was passed, releasing the government and its ministers from the duty to act with reasonableness, is the best possible evidence for what we can now expect.

The protest by reserve soldiers has sparked a fierce political and public debate in Israel. Who are these reservists, what are their motivations and what are the implications of their choice? Find the answers here. 

The Israeli governing coalition is now “only” trying to strip the Supreme Court of its power to conduct reasonableness review of cabinet decisions.

With the Knesset set to hold its final vote on curtailing the “reasonableness standard,” what happens next? What are the implications of removing this type of oversight on governmental decisions, and is there still a possibility for compromise ahead of the vote?

The protest against the government legislation is clearly covered by the protections granted by international law to the right to assembly. The position of the Attorney General of Israel strikes an appropriate balance between exercising the right to demonstrate and protecting competing rights and interests. 

The law is clear. The Minister is obligated to convene the committee when judicial vacancies appear. By evading this responsibility, he is failing in his duty.

Almost a quarter of Israelis have participated in some form of protest, a majority assess that the protest movement has delayed the progress of the judicial overhaul and Likud voters are divided on the question of continuing its implementation. 

Only a government that wishes to make extremist and corrupt decisions would be afraid of the reasonableness test. While the test would certainly benefit from discussion of the framing of its boundaries and application, the legislation currently on the table hands the government unrestrained power.

The Authority for the Advancement of Women's Status and agencies like it are being gutted along with protections for women

Hezbollah has established armed outposts beyond the “Blue Line” that separates Lebanon from Israel. So far, Israel has chosen diplomatic recourse, which is wiser.

In Israel, the equivalent of 70 million Americans have gone out to protest the Netanyahu government's attempt to break the country's constitutional order. Populist politics is at war with the mainstream public opinion that it claims to represent.

In recent weeks it seems that something notable is happening in the Israeli haredi, or ultra-Orthodox, community when it comes to teaching math, English and science in schools almost exclusively devoted to religious instruction.

Abolishment of the standard of unreasonableness would lead to a further concentration of power in the hands of the executive – a power that is already greater in Israel than in many other democracies.

As the government completes its first six months in office respondents were asked to rate its performance in various fields.

Following the death of Rabbi Edelstein, the Haredi community faces a new and unprecedented situation. The identity of the new leader is not obvious, and whoever is chosen will be weaker than his predecessors. This places more power in the hands of the political functionaries, who bear no real responsibility.

AI technology is being used by the police in Israel without sufficient public and professional debate. This goes to the heart of issues of human and civil rights.

Should the foundations of the crime of incitement to racism be reconsidered? Absolutely-yes. But it should not be selective and favor a particular sector in society.

In Israel, the public sector succeeded in enhancing innovation in the private sector but has remained rigidly stuck in the past and lags behind OECD standards.

While nationalism and liberalism appear to contradict, under certain conditions, nationalistic loyalty strengthens the commitment to liberal and democratic values. 

This explainer will cover the current structure of the Haredi education system, its pedagogical requirements and the budgets it receives from the Government.