Articles

The Israeli governing coalition is now “only” trying to strip the Supreme Court of its power to conduct reasonableness review of cabinet decisions.

With the Knesset set to hold its final vote on curtailing the “reasonableness standard,” what happens next? What are the implications of removing this type of oversight on governmental decisions, and is there still a possibility for compromise ahead of the vote?

The protest against the government legislation is clearly covered by the protections granted by international law to the right to assembly. The position of the Attorney General of Israel strikes an appropriate balance between exercising the right to demonstrate and protecting competing rights and interests. 

The law is clear. The Minister is obligated to convene the committee when judicial vacancies appear. By evading this responsibility, he is failing in his duty.

Almost a quarter of Israelis have participated in some form of protest, a majority assess that the protest movement has delayed the progress of the judicial overhaul and Likud voters are divided on the question of continuing its implementation. 

Only a government that wishes to make extremist and corrupt decisions would be afraid of the reasonableness test. While the test would certainly benefit from discussion of the framing of its boundaries and application, the legislation currently on the table hands the government unrestrained power.

The Authority for the Advancement of Women's Status and agencies like it are being gutted along with protections for women

Hezbollah has established armed outposts beyond the “Blue Line” that separates Lebanon from Israel. So far, Israel has chosen diplomatic recourse, which is wiser.

In Israel, the equivalent of 70 million Americans have gone out to protest the Netanyahu government's attempt to break the country's constitutional order. Populist politics is at war with the mainstream public opinion that it claims to represent.

In recent weeks it seems that something notable is happening in the Israeli haredi, or ultra-Orthodox, community when it comes to teaching math, English and science in schools almost exclusively devoted to religious instruction.

Abolishment of the standard of unreasonableness would lead to a further concentration of power in the hands of the executive – a power that is already greater in Israel than in many other democracies.

As the government completes its first six months in office respondents were asked to rate its performance in various fields.

Following the death of Rabbi Edelstein, the Haredi community faces a new and unprecedented situation. The identity of the new leader is not obvious, and whoever is chosen will be weaker than his predecessors. This places more power in the hands of the operatives, who bear no real responsibility.

AI technology is being used by the police in Israel without sufficient public and professional debate. This goes to the heart of issues of human and civil rights.

Should the foundations of the crime of incitement to racism be reconsidered? Absolutely-yes. But it should not be selective and favor a particular sector in society.

In Israel, the public sector succeeded in enhancing innovation in the private sector but has remained rigidly stuck in the past and lags behind OECD standards.

While nationalism and liberalism appear to contradict, under certain conditions, nationalistic loyalty strengthens the commitment to liberal and democratic values. 

This explainer will cover the current structure of the Haredi education system, its pedagogical requirements and the budgets it receives from the Government.

The Knesset voted for its representatives on the judicial selection committee. This is the first time it was not able to elect two representatives, leading to a second round of votes in the next 30 days. 

The reform proposal and the resulting protests brought to light and to a large extent also created conflicts on religious and ethnic grounds. The findings of this research reveal a strong relation between levels of religiosity and support or opposition to the judicial overhaul.

Four behavioral insights on the recent State budget and how it informs on Israeli society and politics.

The current model of the yeshiva and kollel world, in which all men are channelled for long years of study serves the goal of keeping young ultra-Orthodox men off the secular street. Paradoxically, the main victim is the Torah world itself.

Trust in the Supreme Court remains steady, while the share of Israelis who trust the Knesset has almost doubled since last year. Opinions on the likelihood of the government completing its term are fairly evenly divided in the Jewish public.

This year's Eli Hurvitz Conference included discussions of the economic repercussions of the judicial overhaul, ways to ensure the future of Israel’s hi-tech sector in the face of domestic instability and intensifying global competition, means to rein in the rising cost of living, and reforms designed to strengthen local government.

“We can create a historic opportunity for what we call ‘the 75th Alliance’. In the 75th year of the state, seventy-five percent of Israel's citizens agree among themselves on 75 percent of the issues.” MK Yair Lapid, former Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition

“I want to maintain a strong, independent system of higher education” Yoav Kish, Minister of Education

How would different tracks of enlistment change the longstanding Israeli ethos of service and sacrifice for the state and society?

For local government to be able to truly represent all residents and understand the diversity of their different needs, it is important that there be appropriate representation of men and women alike

Bank of Israel Governor: “the Israeli economy has experienced a significant shock in recent months following the proposed changes to the judicial system... continued uncertainty has significant economic costs.”

High cost of living in Israel is addressed at the Eli Hurvitz Conference on Economy and Society.