The September 2019 Elections
The upcoming elections for the 22nd Knesset were called under unprecedented circumstances: the previous Knesset (21st) , elected on April 9th , decided less than two months later on its early disbanding after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's failed to form a government. This is the first time in Israel’s history that two elections will be held in the same year, and for the tenth consecutive time Israel is holding early national elections. They will be held in the shadow of Attorney General Mandelblit’s announcement of his intent to indict Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, pending a hearing, at the height of the previous election campaign.
After surviving several coalition crises, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's fourth government (in office since May 2015) disbanded in December of 2018. The formal explanation for the early Knesset dissolution was the governing coalition's inability to obtain a majority to push forward legislation that would authorize a proposed solution for the never-ending issue of ultra-Orthodox military service. This was also the reason behind the failure of the coalition talks after the elections: Lieberman opposed any compromise regarding the draft law. The Dispersion Law: The 21st Knesset, passed on May 29th and new elections will be held on September 17, 2019.
The Elections for the 22nd Knesset
Number Eligible Voters
|Party||Votes Count||Number Of Seats||Share Of Votes||List Of Candidates||Platform|
|Blue and White||1,151,214||33||25.9||Candidates||Platform|
|The Joint List||470,211||13||10.6||Candidates|
|United Torah Judaism||268,775||7||6.1||Candidates|
|Red and White||4,358||-||0.1||Candidates|
|The Secular Right||2,395||-||0.1||Candidates|
|Christian Liberal Movement||610||-||0.0||Candidates|
|Biblical Bloc Party||497||-||0.0||Candidates|
After Netanyahu returns mandate to the President: Most Israelis support a system based on 2 large parties and a Netanyahu-Gantz rotation for the position of prime minister. 53.5% of Israelis think Netanyahu should resign immediately, while almost half (47%) of right-wing voters believe that Netanyahu should resign if indicted.
The overwhelming majority of Arab voters (81.8%) cast their ballots for the Joint List, which won 13 Knesset seats and reproduced its historic achievement of 2015. By contrast, there was a significant drop in voting for Jewish parties. Only Blue-White won respectable support in Arab localities—the equivalent of one Knesset seat, making it the leading Jewish party in the Arab sector.
The strangest and most polarizing election in Israel’s history is now over. The people have spoken, and we’re now entering the next stage of the political lifecycle: forming a new government. What are the rules governing this process, and what can be learned from a historical and comparative perspective?
The August 2019 Israeli Voice Index found that Jewish Israelis show a strong preference for a unity government while Arab Israelis prefer a center-left wing government led by Gantz and that over the past five months there has been a steady decline in the public’s optimism about the future of Israel’s democracy and security
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is awarded high grades for improving Israel’s international standing (60%), enhancing the country's military strength (56%), and successfully contending with the Iranian threat (50.5%) but poor grades for failing to increase solidarity between Israel's different segments of society (51%) and on the question of personal integrity (49%).
The proposed draft law perpetuates inequality and is dangerous to Israel’s long term security. If drastic changes are not made to encourage the ultra-Orthodox to serve in the military, it may increase inequality among young people in Israel threaten the IDF as the people's army, in which the burden to serve in the military is shared
The 2019 election results mark the return of Israeli politics to two large lists. Voter turnout declined, as the parliamentary fragmentation. The impressing increase in female representation was halted, and the number of ex-generals will be the highest in decades. An initial analysis of the election results.
The Israel Democracy Institute, the Kohelet Forum, Israel 2050, The National Union of Israeli Students, and the Israel Leadership Forum have joined together to call for the implementation of a "primaries on Election Day" system in Israel. This approach is often referred to among academics as the "semi-open ballot"
In Israel, people vote for a party rather than a candidate. But over the years, there has been a shift towards the personalization of politics. Why have our elections become a competition among single personalities rather than a confrontation among different parties and ideas? Prof. Gideon Rahat offers his take
66.5% of the Jewish public thinks that Israel is too lenient in dealing with the clashes on the Gaza border. Only 38.5 of the Israeli public believe Prime Minister Netanyahu’s statement that he “didn’t get a shekel from the submarine deal”, 52% of the Israeli public trusts election surveys and 27.5% does not trust the integrity of the Knesset elections
Iran has apparently hacked the cellphone of Benny Gantz, Prime Minister Netanyahu's main challenger in the April 9 elections. But despite serving as a tool in Likud's campaign, it has not derailed the democratic process in any significant way. In this conversation Eli Bahar, former legal adviser to Shin Bet and IDI fellow, and Ron Shamir, the former head of the technology division at Shin Bet and a fellow at the Hebrew University's Federman Cybersecurity Center, discuss with Tel Aviv Review's Gilad Halpern the danger posed by potential cyber-attacks on Israeli democracy
Why doesn't the government take more initiative towards peace? Why is there no egalitarian prayer space at the Western Wall? How come the ultra-Orthodox don't serve in the military? The common denominator to all these issues is that they all stem from a structural flaw in our electoral system, which allows vocal minorities to hold the national interest hostage to their concerns and interests
Will Israel's democratic institutions prove resilient? How is the party system changing and is Israel headed for a tyranny of the majority? Yohanan Plesner, President of the Israel Democracy Institute, examines the ramifications of the unprecedented indictment of an incumbent Prime Minister in Israel
Exclusive Pre-Elections survey by the Guttman Center at the Israel Democracy Institute finds that half of Israelis find it harder than in the past to decide whom to vote for; 25% base their choice on the party’s positions on socioeconomic issues and 18% on who heads the party; 27% do not trust the integrity of the Knesset elections
As the Israeli attorney-general is expected to announce his decision regarding the possible indictment of Prime Minister Netanyahu on corruption charges, Tipping Point hosts two leading experts for a discussion on the legal and political ramifications. Dr. Guy Lurie (Israel Democracy Institute) and Dr. Emmanuel Navon (Kohelet Policy Forum) try to make sense of what’s about to come
It is difficult to identify them - they are hidden, disguised, sophisticated and resonate to us what our immediate surroundings think. During the election campaign they are at their peak - bots, fake accounts, unnamed identifiers - all trying to influence public opinion. We bring to you 5 tips for managing smart online presence
Following the merger between Yesh Atid and the Israel Resilience Party, April’s elections will feature real competition between two major blocs. The next step in minimizing fragmentation in the Israeli political system is reforming the method by which a government is formed. The head of the largest party should automatically be appointed to form the next government.
In February 1969, Golda Meir was appointed fourth prime minister of the State of Israel. Despite this achievement, the inclusion of women in Israel’s cabinets is far from impressive. Dr. Ofer Kenig explains that after 70 years of independence, the time has come for Israel’s governments to strive for true equality and reflect greater gender balance.
What is the secret behind the power of the ultra-Orthodox political parties in Israel and how has it changed over the years? The article presents an overview of the development of the ultra-Orthodox political parties in Israel from the establishment of the State as well as insights as to future developments.
“The current system grants small parties disproportionate power, leads to excessive preoccupation with coalition management, does not provide strong incentives for creating an effective opposition, and leads to the allocation of over-sized budgets to sectoral interests. We need to create a system of incentives which will solidify the political system into two main blocs.” says Prof. Gideon Rahat
The real story of the April 2019 elections took place outside the polling booth. In the Arab sector, the Movement to Boycott the Knesset Elections, a grassroots group based on Arab young adults and university students, working on the social networks with a shoestring budget, conducted an effective campaign with a simple and catchy slogan: “Boycott: The People’s Will.” This message stood in utter contradiction to the motto of the elections in 2015: “The Joint List: The People’s Will.”